The New Strategic Map Of The Middle East Is Being Drawn

JAFAJ INTELLIGENCE BRIEF
July 19, 2026
 
KEY JUDGMENTS

Recent U.S.–Iraq diplomatic engagements indicate that Washington may be placing greater emphasis on economic statecraft as a principal instrument of regional influence while maintaining security cooperation as an enabling function. The July 2026 White House meeting between President Donald Trump and Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi provides the clearest public indication of this emerging approach.¹²
Energy infrastructure—not military deployments—appears to be assuming a more prominent role in advancing long-term U.S. strategic objectives across the region.³
The proposed rehabilitation of the Kirkuk–Baniyas crude oil pipeline could significantly reduce Iraq’s dependence on export routes through the Strait of Hormuz while limiting Iran’s ability to influence regional energy flows.⁴
If successfully implemented, the emerging Iraq–Syria energy corridor could become one of the most strategically significant infrastructure developments in the Middle East since the Abraham Accords.

 
For more than two decades, U.S. strategy in the Middle East has been dominated by military operations, counterterrorism campaigns, and regional security partnerships. Although economic development has remained an important component of American foreign policy, it has generally served in support of broader security objectives rather than functioning as the principal instrument of regional influence. Recent diplomatic developments suggest that balance may be beginning to shift.⁵
During Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi’s July 2026 visit to Washington, the United States and Iraq announced expanded discussions covering investment, infrastructure, energy, education, and long-term economic cooperation. Public statements from both governments emphasized rebuilding Iraq’s economic capacity while preserving the long-standing security partnership between the two countries.¹² Together, these initiatives suggest a broader strategy focused on strengthening Iraq through economic development while maintaining security cooperation as a supporting pillar rather than the defining feature of the bilateral relationship.
The centerpiece of this emerging strategy may not be military at all.
Instead, it is a pipeline—a reminder that in today’s Middle East, strategic infrastructure may increasingly rival military deployments as an instrument of geopolitical influence.
 
THE PIPELINE THAT COULD CHANGE REGIONAL POLITICS
Washington has publicly emphasized expanding economic and energy cooperation with Iraq as part of a broader strategy to promote regional infrastructure, commercial investment, and long-term economic development. During the July 2026 White House meeting between President Donald Trump and Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi, both governments highlighted strengthening Iraq’s economic capacity while reaffirming their long-standing security partnership. Subsequent official announcements and public reporting identified the proposed rehabilitation of the Kirkuk-Baniyas crude oil pipeline as one of several strategic infrastructure initiatives under discussion.⁶⁷⁸
At first glance, the project appears to be a conventional energy infrastructure initiative. JAFAJ assesses, however, that its strategic significance extends well beyond the transportation of crude oil. If completed, the pipeline would establish an additional export corridor linking northern Iraq with Syria’s Mediterranean coast, expanding Iraq’s access to global markets while creating new opportunities for regional trade, energy security, and geopolitical influence.
Today, Iraq remains heavily dependent upon export routes that transit the Strait of Hormuz, leaving much of its oil production vulnerable to regional instability and potential maritime disruption. Because petroleum exports account for the overwhelming majority of Iraq’s government revenue, any prolonged disruption to Gulf shipping lanes would carry significant economic consequences for Iraq while increasing uncertainty within global energy markets.⁹¹⁰
Beyond providing Iraq with an alternative export route, the proposed pipeline could alter the region’s broader strategic calculus. Diversifying export pathways would reduce the concentration of Middle Eastern energy flows through a single maritime chokepoint, potentially limiting Iran’s ability to employ disruptions in the Strait of Hormuz as a source of strategic leverage. Expanded export flexibility could also encourage additional foreign investment in Iraq’s energy sector, strengthen commercial relationships with neighboring states, and improve European access to diversified crude oil supplies.¹¹¹²
JAFAJ assesses that the project’s long-term significance lies less in the physical pipeline itself than in the strategic options it creates. By expanding Iraq’s economic connectivity while reducing dependence upon a single maritime chokepoint, the initiative has the potential to reshape regional patterns of influence, strengthen economic interdependence, and reinforce infrastructure as an increasingly important instrument of statecraft alongside traditional military power.
For consumers, the implications extend well beyond the Middle East. More diversified export routes increase the resilience of global energy markets, reducing the likelihood that regional conflicts will produce prolonged supply disruptions, sharp increases in petroleum prices, or secondary inflationary pressures affecting transportation, manufacturing, agriculture, and household energy costs.¹³
 
FROM SECURITY PARTNER TO ECONOMIC PARTNER
The July 2026 meetings between Washington and Baghdad extended well beyond traditional security cooperation. Official statements issued by both governments emphasized expanded collaboration in energy development, transportation infrastructure, commercial investment, education, health care, and private-sector partnerships. While defense cooperation remains a central component of the bilateral relationship, the breadth of economic initiatives announced during the meetings suggests a deliberate effort to deepen the partnership through long-term economic engagement as well as security cooperation.¹⁴¹⁵
Several strategic factors help explain this evolving approach. More than two decades of sustained military operations in the Middle East have demonstrated the financial, political, and strategic limitations of long-term force deployments. At the same time, governments throughout the region have increasingly identified economic development, infrastructure modernization, foreign direct investment, and private-sector growth as essential components of national stability. Growing strategic competition with China has further elevated the importance of supply chains, transportation corridors, digital infrastructure, and energy security as instruments of geopolitical influence.¹⁶¹⁷
These developments suggest that Washington may be expanding—not replacing—the instruments it uses to advance regional interests. Rather than relying principally upon military presence to shape regional outcomes, the United States appears increasingly focused on strengthening partner nations through economic integration, infrastructure investment, and commercial engagement while maintaining security cooperation as the foundation of those relationships.
JAFAJ assesses that this represents an evolution—not a replacement—of American regional strategy. Military cooperation remains fundamental to U.S. policy in the Middle East, but economic statecraft appears to be assuming a more prominent role in advancing long-term strategic objectives. If sustained, this approach could provide Washington with additional avenues of influence while reducing the political and financial costs associated with prolonged military commitments.
Whether this evolution develops into a lasting strategic realignment remains uncertain. Middle Eastern geopolitics has repeatedly demonstrated that diplomatic progress can be disrupted by domestic political change, regional conflict, or external competition. Nevertheless, the convergence of recent diplomatic initiatives, infrastructure discussions, commercial agreements, and energy partnerships suggests that economic connectivity is becoming an increasingly important component of American engagement in the region.¹⁸
 
THE CHALLENGE AHEAD
Significant obstacles remain before the proposed Iraq-Syria energy corridor can become operational. Although engineering, financing, and commercial planning present substantial challenges, JAFAJ judges that political and security conditions represent the project’s greatest near-term risk.¹⁹²⁰
Iran continues to oppose regional initiatives that could diminish its strategic influence, while Iranian-backed militias operating inside Iraq retain the capability to disrupt infrastructure development, intimidate investors, and challenge government authority. Continued regional instability, maritime security concerns, and broader geopolitical tensions are likely to complicate long-term investment decisions and delay implementation timelines.²¹²²
Large-scale infrastructure projects require more than engineering expertise and financial capital. They depend upon sustained political commitment, predictable regulatory environments, secure operating conditions, and investor confidence throughout years of construction and operation. Even isolated attacks against construction sites, transportation corridors, pumping stations, or pipeline infrastructure could increase insurance costs, delay project completion, discourage foreign investment, and undermine commercial confidence.
The challenge therefore extends well beyond protecting a single pipeline. It requires creating an environment in which governments, international financial institutions, private investors, and global energy companies are willing to commit capital over the long term despite persistent regional security risks.
JAFAJ assesses that the project’s ultimate success will depend less upon its technical feasibility than upon Iraq’s ability to maintain political stability, provide effective internal security, strengthen the rule of law, and sustain investor confidence throughout implementation. Without these conditions, even well-financed infrastructure initiatives are unlikely to achieve their intended strategic impact.
History demonstrates that infrastructure alone cannot resolve decades of political, sectarian, or security tensions. Successful commercial partnerships, however, can create long-term economic incentives that reinforce political cooperation, strengthen regional integration, and reduce the likelihood that future disputes escalate into sustained conflict. For that reason, the strategic value of the proposed corridor lies not only in its physical infrastructure, but also in its potential to reshape the economic relationships that underpin long-term regional stability.²³
 
JAFAJ INTELLIGENCE ASSESSMENT
JAFAJ assesses that recent U.S.–Iraq diplomatic engagements represent more than routine bilateral cooperation. Collectively, they suggest a gradual evolution in American regional strategy in which economic statecraft, infrastructure investment, and commercial integration assume a more prominent role alongside traditional military partnerships.²⁴²⁵
The significance of these developments lies not in any single diplomatic meeting, infrastructure proposal, or commercial agreement, but in the convergence of multiple initiatives supporting a common strategic direction. Expanded cooperation in energy infrastructure, transportation networks, private-sector investment, education, and long-term economic development reflects a broader effort to strengthen regional influence through sustained economic engagement while preserving established security relationships.
If this approach continues, the proposed restoration of the Kirkuk-Baniyas pipeline could become an early indicator of a broader regional strategy emphasizing connectivity over confrontation. Expanding transportation corridors, strengthening energy resilience, and increasing commercial interdependence would provide partner nations with additional economic opportunities while reducing vulnerabilities associated with dependence upon a limited number of export routes.²⁶
Such an approach would not diminish the continuing importance of military power. Rather, it would expand the range of instruments available to American policymakers by integrating diplomacy, investment, infrastructure, and economic development into a more comprehensive framework of regional engagement.
JAFAJ judges that the long-term significance of these developments will depend less upon the success of any individual infrastructure project than upon whether they become part of a sustained pattern of American policy. If additional investment initiatives, regional infrastructure agreements, and long-term commercial partnerships continue to emerge, future analysts may identify this period as the beginning of a broader evolution toward economic statecraft as a principal instrument of geopolitical influence in the Middle East. If these initiatives fail to advance beyond diplomatic discussions, however, they are more likely to be remembered as incremental adjustments within an otherwise familiar regional strategy.²⁷
 
Alternative Assessment
A competing interpretation is that the recent U.S.–Iraq diplomatic engagements represent continuity rather than strategic transformation. Successive American administrations have periodically emphasized economic cooperation, infrastructure development, and commercial investment alongside security assistance without fundamentally altering the military foundations of U.S. policy in the Middle East. Under this interpretation, the July 2026 meetings reflect routine bilateral diplomacy intended to strengthen an established partnership rather than signal a significant shift in American regional strategy.²⁸²⁹
Evidence supporting this interpretation includes the continued U.S. military presence in Iraq, ongoing security cooperation with regional partners, and the absence of a formal National Security Strategy or presidential policy directive redefining American priorities in the Middle East. In addition, the proposed infrastructure initiatives remain at various stages of discussion, financing, and political approval. No single project, standing alone, demonstrates that economic engagement has displaced traditional security objectives.³⁰
JAFAJ assesses, however, that the cumulative weight of the available evidence warrants closer attention than routine diplomatic activity alone would suggest. The simultaneous emphasis on energy infrastructure, transportation connectivity, commercial investment, education, and long-term economic cooperation reflects a broader pattern that extends beyond a single bilateral meeting. While the current evidence is insufficient to conclude definitively that a lasting strategic transformation is underway, it is sufficient to assess that economic statecraft is assuming a more prominent role within American regional policy.
Accordingly, JAFAJ judges that the competing interpretation remains credible but is currently less consistent with the available evidence. Future diplomatic initiatives, infrastructure agreements, sustained investment commitments, and official U.S. policy statements will provide a stronger basis for determining whether these developments represent an enduring strategic evolution or a temporary emphasis within an established strategic framework.³¹
 
Intelligence Confidence: Moderate to High
JAFAJ assigns this assessment an overall Confidence Level of Moderate to High based on the convergence of multiple independent indicators supporting the central analytical judgment. Official government statements, publicly reported diplomatic engagements, discussions concerning energy infrastructure and commercial investment, and observable changes in the emphasis of U.S.–Iraq bilateral cooperation collectively provide a credible evidentiary foundation for this assessment.³²³³
Confidence is highest regarding the underlying facts. The July 2026 diplomatic engagements, expanded discussions involving infrastructure, energy development, private-sector investment, and long-term economic cooperation are supported by official statements from both governments and corroborated by multiple independent reporting sources. The existence of these initiatives is well documented and not in significant dispute.³⁴
Confidence is moderate regarding the principal analytical judgment. The available evidence suggests that economic statecraft is assuming a more prominent role alongside traditional security cooperation within U.S. regional policy. However, the United States has historically incorporated economic initiatives into its Middle East strategy without fundamentally replacing its military commitments. Distinguishing between a lasting strategic evolution and a temporary policy emphasis will therefore require continued observation over time.
Confidence is lowest regarding long-term projections. The ultimate success of the proposed infrastructure initiatives, future investment flows, regional political stability, and the durability of American policy will depend upon variables that remain uncertain, including Iraqi domestic politics, regional security conditions, investor confidence, global energy markets, and future policy decisions in both Washington and Baghdad.³⁵
Accordingly, JAFAJ judges that the available evidence supports the central assessment with Moderate-to-High Confidence while recognizing that the long-term trajectory of American regional strategy will ultimately be determined by sustained policy implementation rather than current diplomatic intent alone.
 
INDICATORS TO WATCH
Over the coming months, several observable developments will help determine whether recent U.S.–Iraq diplomatic initiatives represent the beginning of a sustained evolution in American regional strategy or a temporary emphasis within an established policy framework. JAFAJ will continue to monitor the following indicators:

Formal Iraqi Approval of the Kirkuk-Baniyas Pipeline

Final governmental authorization for the rehabilitation of the Kirkuk-Baniyas pipeline would demonstrate sustained political commitment and provide the strongest indication that discussions are advancing toward implementation rather than remaining conceptual. Formal approval would also increase confidence that Iraq intends to diversify its export infrastructure over the long term.³⁶

New U.S., Gulf, or International Financing Commitments

Public financing commitments from the United States, Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) member states, multilateral development institutions, export credit agencies, or private financial institutions would indicate growing confidence in the project’s commercial viability and strategic importance. Such commitments would represent a significant transition from diplomatic dialogue to tangible implementation.³⁷

Expanded Participation by Regional and International Partners

Broader participation by Gulf states, European governments, international financial institutions, or major energy companies would suggest that regional stakeholders increasingly view economic connectivity as a shared strategic priority rather than a narrowly bilateral initiative. Multinational participation would also improve the project’s financial resilience and political durability.

Security Incidents Targeting Energy or Transportation Infrastructure

Sustained attacks against construction projects, pipeline infrastructure, energy facilities, transportation corridors, or associated logistics networks would indicate organized efforts to disrupt regional economic integration. A measurable increase in such attacks would reduce investor confidence, increase project costs, and delay implementation timelines.³⁸

Expansion of U.S.–Iraq Cooperation Beyond Security Assistance

Additional bilateral agreements involving trade, digital infrastructure, education, transportation, health care, advanced technology, or private-sector investment would reinforce JAFAJ’s assessment that economic engagement is assuming a larger role within the U.S.–Iraq strategic relationship. The breadth of future cooperation may prove more significant than any individual agreement.

Official U.S. Strategic Policy Statements

Future National Security Strategy documents, State Department policy guidance, congressional testimony, Presidential directives, or major presidential addresses emphasizing infrastructure development, regional investment, economic integration, and strategic connectivity would provide stronger evidence that economic statecraft is becoming an enduring component of American Middle East policy.³⁹
 
CONCLUSION
Collectively, these indicators provide an objective framework for evaluating whether current diplomatic developments represent isolated initiatives or the early stages of a broader strategic evolution. As additional evidence becomes available, JAFAJ will reassess its central analytical judgment, alternative assessment, and confidence level to determine whether the available evidence continues to support the conclusion that economic statecraft is assuming a more prominent role in U.S. regional strategy.
 
FOOTNOTES

The White House. President Donald J. Trump Welcomes Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi to the White House. July 14, 2026.
Reuters. “Trump Says U.S. Will Be Doing a Lot of Deals with Iraq, Taking a Lot of Oil Out.” July 14, 2026.
Reuters. “Western Oil Companies See ‘Fantastic’ Future in Iraq, Sign Agreements.” July 17, 2026.
U.S. Department of State. Announcement of Cooperation Between the Government of the Republic of Iraq and the Government of the Syrian Arab Republic on the Rehabilitation and Reconstruction of the Iraq–Syria Crude Oil Pipeline. July 17, 2026.
Reuters. “Iraq’s Prime Minister Seeks Big Energy Investments on U.S. Trip.” July 13, 2026.
The White House. President Donald J. Trump Welcomes Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi to the White House. July 14, 2026.
U.S. Department of State. Announcement of Cooperation Between the Government of the Republic of Iraq and the Government of the Syrian Arab Republic on the Rehabilitation and Reconstruction of the Iraq–Syria Crude Oil Pipeline. July 17, 2026.
Reuters. “Western Oil Companies See ‘Fantastic’ Future in Iraq, Sign Agreements.” July 17, 2026.
U.S. Energy Information Administration. Country Analysis Brief: Iraq. Updated 2025.
International Energy Agency. Oil Market Report. Paris: IEA, 2026.
Reuters. “Iraq’s Prime Minister Seeks Big Energy Investments on U.S. Trip.” July 13, 2026.
Congressional Research Service. Iraq: Background and U.S. Relations. Updated edition.
International Monetary Fund. Regional Economic Outlook: Middle East and Central Asia. Washington, DC: IMF, 2026.
The White House. President Donald J. Trump Welcomes Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi to the White House. July 14, 2026.
U.S. Department of State. Joint Statement on the U.S.–Iraq Strategic Partnership. July 2026.
Congressional Research Service. U.S. Policy in the Middle East: Strategic Competition and Regional Security. Updated edition.
Center for Strategic and International Studies. Economic Statecraft and Strategic Competition in the Middle East. Washington, DC: CSIS, 2025.
Reuters. “Western Oil Companies See ‘Fantastic’ Future in Iraq, Sign Agreements.” July 17, 2026.
Congressional Research Service. Iraq: Background and U.S. Relations. Updated edition.
World Bank. Iraq Country Overview. Washington, DC: World Bank, 2026.
Institute for the Study of War. Iran Update: Iraq and Regional Militia Activity. Washington, DC, 2026.
Center for Strategic and International Studies. Iran’s Regional Proxy Networks and Strategic Influence. Updated edition.
Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. States of Fragility Report. Paris: OECD, latest edition.
The White House. President Donald J. Trump Welcomes Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi to the White House. July 14, 2026.
U.S. Department of State. Joint Statement on the U.S.–Iraq Strategic Partnership. July 2026.
International Energy Agency. Oil Market Report. Paris: IEA, 2026; U.S. Energy Information Administration. Country Analysis Brief: Iraq. Updated edition.
Congressional Research Service. U.S. Policy in the Middle East: Strategic Competition and Regional Security. Updated edition.
Congressional Research Service. Iraq: Background and U.S. Relations. Updated edition.
Congressional Research Service. U.S. Policy in the Middle East: Strategic Competition and Regional Security. Updated edition.
U.S. Department of Defense. 2025 National Defense Strategy. Washington, DC: Department of Defense, 2025; U.S. Department of State. Public statements on the U.S.–Iraq Strategic Dialogue, 2026.
Reuters. “Western Oil Companies See ‘Fantastic’ Future in Iraq, Sign Agreements.” July 17, 2026; The White House. President Donald J. Trump Welcomes Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi to the White House. July 14, 2026.
The White House. President Donald J. Trump Welcomes Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi to the White House. July 14, 2026.
Reuters. “Trump Says U.S. Will Be Doing a Lot of Deals with Iraq, Taking a Lot of Oil Out.” July 14, 2026.
U.S. Department of State. Joint Statement on the U.S.–Iraq Strategic Partnership. July 2026; Reuters. “Western Oil Companies See ‘Fantastic’ Future in Iraq, Sign Agreements.” July 17, 2026.
International Monetary Fund. Regional Economic Outlook: Middle East and Central Asia. Washington, DC: IMF, 2026; International Energy Agency. Oil Market Report. Paris: IEA, 2026.
U.S. Department of State. Announcement of Cooperation Between the Government of the Republic of Iraq and the Government of the Syrian Arab Republic on the Rehabilitation and Reconstruction of the Iraq–Syria Crude Oil Pipeline. July 17, 2026.
World Bank. Iraq Country Overview. Washington, DC: World Bank, 2026; International Monetary Fund. Regional Economic Outlook: Middle East and Central Asia. Washington, DC: IMF, 2026.
Institute for the Study of War. Iran Update: Iraq and Regional Militia Activity. Washington, DC, 2026.
The White House. National Security Strategy. Future editions; U.S. Department of State. Future strategic policy guidance, congressional testimony, and related policy documents.

 
REFERENCES
Official Government Sources

The White House. President Donald J. Trump Welcomes Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi to the White House. July 14, 2026.
The White House. National Security Strategy. Various editions.
U.S. Department of Defense. 2025 National Defense Strategy. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Defense, 2025.
U.S. Department of State. Announcement of Cooperation Between the Government of the Republic of Iraq and the Government of the Syrian Arab Republic on the Rehabilitation and Reconstruction of the Iraq–Syria Crude Oil Pipeline. July 17, 2026.
U.S. Department of State. Joint Statement on the U.S.–Iraq Strategic Partnership. July 2026.
U.S. Energy Information Administration. Country Analysis Brief: Iraq. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Energy. Updated edition.

 
International Organizations

International Energy Agency. Oil Market Report. Paris: IEA, 2026.
International Monetary Fund. Regional Economic Outlook: Middle East and Central Asia. Washington, DC: IMF, 2026.
Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. States of Fragility Report. Paris: OECD. Latest edition.
World Bank. Iraq Country Overview. Washington, DC: World Bank, 2026.

 
Congressional and Research Publications

Congressional Research Service. Iraq: Background and U.S. Relations. Updated edition.
Congressional Research Service. U.S. Policy in the Middle East: Strategic Competition and Regional Security. Updated edition.
Center for Strategic and International Studies. Economic Statecraft and Strategic Competition in the Middle East. Washington, DC: CSIS, 2025.
Center for Strategic and International Studies. Iran’s Regional Proxy Networks and Strategic Influence. Washington, DC: CSIS. Updated edition.
Institute for the Study of War. Iran Update. Washington, DC: ISW, 2026.

 
 
 
 

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Why Are So Many Muslim Nations Algned Against Iran?

Understanding the Politics Behind One of the Middle East’s Greatest Misconceptions
JAFAJ Intelligence Analysis
July 19, 2026
KEY JUDGMENTS

The principal strategic divide in today’s Middle East is driven by geopolitical competition and national interests rather than religion alone.¹
Although the Sunni–Shia divide remains politically significant, governments consistently place security, economic stability, and regional influence above sectarian solidarity.¹²
Many Arab governments increasingly view Iran as a regional competitor whose expanding influence challenges existing balances of power.²³
Alliances throughout the Middle East are pragmatic and issue-specific, with governments frequently cooperating on some issues while competing on others.³⁴
Understanding these dynamics is essential for accurately interpreting current conflicts and anticipating future regional alignments.¹²⁴

 
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
To many outside observers, the politics of the Middle East appear deceptively straightforward. Because the overwhelming majority of the region’s population is Muslim, it is often assumed that Muslim-majority governments naturally share common political objectives and will unite when confronted by external challenges. Current events demonstrate otherwise. The modern Middle East is characterized not by religious unity, but by a complex web of competing national interests, historical rivalries, economic priorities, security concerns, and regional ambitions.¹²
JAFAJ assesses that the defining strategic competition in today’s Middle East is not a struggle between Islam and the West, nor can it be adequately explained by the centuries-old Sunni–Shia divide. Rather, it is a contest among sovereign governments seeking to preserve their own security, expand their regional influence, strengthen their economies, and shape the future political order of one of the world’s most strategically important regions. Religion frequently provides governments with political legitimacy and influences public messaging, but it is national interest—not theology—that consistently drives foreign policy decisions.¹³
Since the 1979 Iranian Revolution, Tehran has pursued an ambitious strategy designed to expand its regional influence through diplomacy, military modernization, strategic partnerships, and long-term relationships with governments and allied organizations operating throughout Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, and Yemen. These efforts have transformed Iran into one of the Middle East’s most influential regional powers while simultaneously placing it in sustained strategic competition with Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Turkey, Jordan, Bahrain, the United Arab Emirates, Israel, and numerous other governments that possess their own competing visions for regional leadership and security.²⁴
This strategic competition explains why Muslim-majority nations frequently support opposing sides during the same regional crisis despite sharing a common faith. Governments routinely cooperate on trade while competing on security matters, maintain diplomatic relations while opposing one another’s military objectives, and pursue independent foreign policies designed to advance domestic priorities rather than ideological or sectarian solidarity. As a result, regional alliances remain fluid, pragmatic, and subject to continuous adjustment as political and security conditions evolve.¹²³
Understanding these realities is essential for interpreting today’s headlines. Oversimplified narratives portraying the Middle East as divided exclusively along religious lines fail to explain the strategic behavior of governments across the region. The principal forces shaping contemporary Middle Eastern politics remain sovereignty, national security, economic resilience, energy security, military deterrence, and the pursuit of regional influence. Those realities—not religion alone—will continue to define regional alliances long after the current conflicts have subsided.¹²⁴
 
A STRUGGLE FOR REGIONAL LEADERSHIP
At the center of today’s Middle East lies a strategic competition that extends far beyond religion. While sectarian identity continues to influence political rhetoric and public opinion, the region’s principal governments are engaged in a broader contest over who will shape the Middle East’s future political, economic, and security architecture.¹ Rather than acting solely as representatives of religious communities, regional leaders increasingly pursue policies designed to strengthen national power, preserve regime stability, secure economic prosperity, and expand diplomatic influence throughout the Islamic world.²
For nearly five decades, the Islamic Republic of Iran has sought to position itself as one of the region’s dominant strategic powers. Following the 1979 Islamic Revolution, Tehran adopted a foreign policy that combines ideological messaging with long-term geopolitical objectives. Iranian leaders have consistently portrayed their government as a defender of regional resistance against foreign intervention, while simultaneously investing in military modernization, missile capabilities, intelligence operations, and strategic relationships with governments and allied organizations across Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, and Yemen.³ These policies have significantly expanded Iran’s regional influence while also increasing concerns among neighboring governments regarding Tehran’s long-term strategic ambitions.⁴
Saudi Arabia represents the principal alternative vision for regional leadership. As the custodian of Islam’s two holiest cities and the Arab world’s largest economy, Riyadh has traditionally viewed regional stability, secure energy markets, and the preservation of sovereign governments as essential components of Middle Eastern security. Although Saudi-Iranian relations have experienced periods of diplomatic engagement and limited rapprochement, Saudi leaders continue to regard unchecked Iranian influence as a potential challenge to Gulf security and the broader regional balance of power.² ⁵
Turkey has likewise pursued an increasingly independent regional strategy. Ankara has expanded its diplomatic, military, and economic presence throughout the eastern Mediterranean, the Levant, the Caucasus, and North Africa while seeking greater influence over regional political developments. Egypt continues to view itself as one of the Arab world’s principal political and military powers, while Jordan remains focused upon border security, regional stability, and maintaining close strategic relationships with both Western and Arab partners. The United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Bahrain, Kuwait, and Oman each pursue distinct foreign policies designed to maximize national interests while preserving strategic flexibility in an increasingly competitive regional environment.² ⁵
These differing visions of regional order have produced a geopolitical environment in which cooperation and competition frequently exist simultaneously. Governments that cooperate on trade, energy production, maritime security, or counterterrorism may strongly disagree over proxy conflicts, military intervention, or regional influence. Diplomatic relations therefore should not be interpreted as indicators of strategic alignment. Instead, they often reflect the practical necessity of maintaining communication while managing competing national interests.¹ ³
Consequently, describing the Middle East as divided into fixed political or religious blocs oversimplifies a far more dynamic reality. The region functions as a constantly evolving balance-of-power system in which governments routinely reassess alliances according to changing political, military, and economic conditions. Alliances form, dissolve, and evolve not because religious identities change, but because national interests change. Understanding that principle is essential for interpreting nearly every major diplomatic and military development occurring throughout the region today.¹ ² ⁴
 
ARAB VERSUS PERSIAN: CIVILIZATIONAL IDENTITY MATTERS
Religion represents only one dimension of identity in the Middle East. Equally important are history, language, ethnicity, culture, and the enduring influence of civilization. While many outside observers view the region primarily through the lens of Islam, governments throughout the Middle East frequently view themselves first as nation-states with distinct historical identities and strategic interests.¹
This distinction is particularly important when examining Iran’s relationships with its Arab neighbors. Although Iran is an overwhelmingly Muslim nation, it is also overwhelmingly Persian. Persian civilization predates the emergence of Islam by more than a millennium, and modern Iran continues to view itself as the heir to one of the world’s oldest continuous civilizations. Persian language, literature, national traditions, and historical memory remain central components of Iranian identity and continue to influence the country’s worldview and foreign policy.²
By contrast, most governments surrounding Iran identify politically and culturally with the Arab world. Shared Arabic language, centuries of cultural interaction, and institutions such as the Arab League reinforce a collective Arab political identity that frequently shapes regional diplomacy independent of religion. While Arab governments differ significantly in their domestic political systems and foreign policy priorities, many continue to emphasize Arab sovereignty, territorial integrity, and regional stability as central components of their national interests.³
These differing civilizational perspectives have important geopolitical consequences. Iranian policymakers frequently frame Tehran’s regional role through the broader concept of the Islamic Ummah while simultaneously emphasizing Iran’s revolutionary ideology and strategic independence. Many Arab governments, however, approach regional affairs through the framework of state sovereignty, Arab political leadership, and the preservation of existing regional institutions. These differing strategic perspectives often produce competing visions for the future political order of the Middle East, even when governments share religious traditions.¹ ³
The distinction between Arab and Persian identity should not be interpreted as evidence of inevitable conflict. History demonstrates that cooperation between Arab governments and Iran is both possible and, at times, mutually beneficial. Trade, energy development, maritime security, counterterrorism, and regional diplomacy have repeatedly brought Tehran together with neighboring governments despite broader political disagreements. Likewise, periods of tension have often been followed by renewed diplomatic engagement as governments reassess their strategic priorities.⁴
Nevertheless, historical memory continues to shape modern decision-making. Arab governments frequently view expanding Iranian influence through the lens of regional power politics rather than religious solidarity. Concerns over military influence, proxy organizations, ballistic missile development, maritime security, and political interference often outweigh shared Islamic identity when leaders evaluate Iranian policy. From Tehran’s perspective, many of these same activities are viewed as necessary components of national defense, strategic deterrence, and regional influence. The result is a continuing competition in which both sides frequently believe they are acting defensively while simultaneously perceiving the other as pursuing expansionist objectives.² ⁵
Understanding this distinction is essential for accurately interpreting regional events. The strategic competition unfolding across the Middle East is not fundamentally a conflict between Arabs and Persians, nor is it solely a conflict between Sunni and Shia Islam. It is a contest among sovereign states possessing different histories, identities, security concerns, and visions for regional leadership. Those competing identities help explain why governments that share a common religion often pursue dramatically different foreign policies and frequently align with different partners during periods of regional crisis.¹ ² ³
 
IRAN’S STRATEGY: PROJECTING POWER WITHOUT DIRECT WAR
Unlike many regional powers, Iran has spent decades developing a national security strategy that relies on far more than conventional military strength. While Tehran continues to invest in its army, navy, air force, missile forces, and expanding drone capabilities, Iranian military doctrine places equal emphasis on deterrence through strategic depth, asymmetric warfare, intelligence operations, and long-term partnerships with governments and allied non-state organizations throughout the Middle East.¹ ²
From Tehran’s perspective, this strategy reflects both historical experience and geographic reality. Iranian leaders frequently point to the devastating Iran-Iraq War (1980–1988), repeated threats of military intervention, international sanctions, and the substantial American military presence surrounding Iran as evidence that national security cannot rely solely upon defending Iranian territory. Instead, Iran has adopted a forward-defense doctrine designed to discourage potential adversaries by extending its strategic influence well beyond its borders.³
Rather than projecting military power primarily through overseas bases or large expeditionary forces, Iran has cultivated long-term relationships with governments, political movements, and armed organizations operating across Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Yemen, and the Palestinian territories. These relationships provide Tehran with multiple avenues through which it can influence regional events while simultaneously increasing the strategic costs facing any nation considering direct military action against Iran.¹ ⁴
Supporters of Iranian policy frequently describe this network as an effective deterrence strategy. From their perspective, maintaining relationships with regional partners strengthens Iran’s national security, creates strategic depth beyond its borders, and reduces the likelihood that future conflicts will be fought exclusively on Iranian soil. Iranian officials have consistently argued that deterrence is achieved not merely through military capability, but by convincing potential adversaries that military action would generate significant regional consequences.² ⁵
Many neighboring governments interpret the same strategy very differently. Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Jordan, Israel, and several Gulf Cooperation Council members argue that Iranian support for armed organizations allows Tehran to influence political developments inside sovereign states while contributing to regional instability and prolonging proxy conflicts. These governments contend that the expansion of Iranian influence has increased tensions throughout the Middle East and complicated diplomatic efforts to resolve ongoing regional disputes.¹ ⁶
This difference in perspective lies at the heart of today’s geopolitical competition. Actions that Iranian officials characterize as legitimate defensive measures are frequently viewed by neighboring governments as offensive efforts to expand Iranian regional influence. Conversely, military cooperation among Gulf states, normalization agreements with Israel, and expanded American security partnerships are often viewed by Tehran as attempts to strategically encircle Iran. As a result, both sides increasingly perceive their own policies as defensive while viewing the actions of their rivals as aggressive.³ ⁶
The strategic consequences extend far beyond bilateral relations. Because many of these competing interests are advanced through local partners rather than direct confrontation between national militaries, regional crises increasingly develop into proxy conflicts involving multiple governments with overlapping interests. Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Yemen, and, at various times, Gaza have all become arenas in which larger regional rivalries are expressed through local political and military actors rather than conventional interstate warfare.² ⁴
JAFAJ assesses that this indirect approach to competition will remain one of the defining characteristics of Middle Eastern security for the foreseeable future. Conventional military conflict between major regional powers carries enormous political, economic, and human costs. Consequently, governments are likely to continue pursuing influence through diplomacy, economic leverage, intelligence activities, cyber capabilities, strategic partnerships, and proxy relationships rather than risking full-scale conventional war. Understanding this doctrine of indirect competition is essential to understanding nearly every major security crisis unfolding across the Middle East today.¹ ² ³
 
NATIONAL INTERESTS OUTWEIGH RELIGIOUS SOLIDARITY
One of the most persistent misconceptions in international affairs is the belief that governments conduct foreign policy primarily on the basis of religion, ideology, or historical friendship. While these factors often influence political rhetoric and public diplomacy, they rarely determine national strategy. Throughout history, states have consistently pursued policies designed to maximize their own security, economic prosperity, political stability, and long-term strategic interests.¹
The Middle East is no exception. Although religion remains an important component of national identity, governments throughout the region continuously evaluate a far broader range of strategic considerations before making foreign policy decisions. Territorial integrity, military readiness, maritime security, energy infrastructure, economic development, foreign investment, trade relationships, domestic political stability, and diplomatic flexibility frequently outweigh sectarian identity when leaders determine how to respond to regional crises.²
This reality explains why governments sharing the same religion often adopt dramatically different foreign policies. Saudi Arabia and Qatar, for example, have periodically disagreed over regional security priorities despite their shared Arab identity and Sunni-majority populations. Likewise, Oman has traditionally pursued a policy of neutrality and diplomatic mediation, maintaining productive relationships with Iran while simultaneously preserving close ties with the United States, Saudi Arabia, and other Gulf Cooperation Council members.³
Iraq presents perhaps the clearest example of competing national interests overriding simple religious explanations. Although Iraq possesses a Shia-majority population and maintains extensive political, religious, and economic ties with Iran, successive Iraqi governments have also sought to preserve close relationships with the United States, neighboring Arab governments, Turkey, and the broader international community. Baghdad’s foreign policy has therefore reflected an ongoing effort to balance competing strategic relationships rather than align exclusively with any single regional power.⁴
Pakistan illustrates a similar strategic balancing act. Sharing a border with Iran while simultaneously maintaining longstanding defense cooperation with Saudi Arabia and close security relationships with Western governments, Islamabad has consistently attempted to avoid becoming fully aligned with either side of regional rivalries. Instead, Pakistani leaders have generally pursued policies intended to preserve regional stability while protecting Pakistan’s own national security interests and economic development.⁵
Even governments that publicly criticize Iranian regional activities frequently continue diplomatic engagement with Tehran. Economic necessity, shared maritime boundaries, energy markets, border security, counterterrorism cooperation, and regional trade all encourage governments to maintain channels of communication despite significant political disagreements. Diplomatic engagement should therefore not be interpreted as political endorsement, just as public criticism does not necessarily eliminate opportunities for future cooperation.¹ ⁶
The same principle applies beyond the Middle East. Throughout modern international relations, governments routinely cooperate with strategic competitors on selected issues while simultaneously opposing them in other areas. The United States and China, for example, maintain extensive commercial relationships despite growing strategic competition. India continues to purchase military equipment from multiple international partners while pursuing an increasingly independent foreign policy. European governments cooperate closely within NATO while occasionally disagreeing over trade, energy policy, and regional security. These examples illustrate that strategic competition and diplomatic cooperation are not mutually exclusive but frequently occur simultaneously.⁷
JAFAJ assesses that this principle remains essential for understanding contemporary Middle Eastern politics. Governments do not select allies on the basis of religion alone. They evaluate every major foreign policy decision according to whether it enhances national security, strengthens economic resilience, protects political stability, and advances long-term strategic interests. Religious identity remains influential, but it operates within a broader framework dominated by calculations of national advantage. Those realities explain why alliances across the Middle East remain flexible, why governments frequently shift diplomatic positions as circumstances change, and why regional politics continue to defy simplistic religious explanations.¹ ²
 
WHO SUPPORTS IRAN—AND TO WHAT DEGREE?
One of the most common misconceptions surrounding Middle Eastern geopolitics is the belief that the region is divided into two clearly defined camps: nations that support Iran and nations that oppose it. JAFAJ assesses that this framework oversimplifies a far more complex strategic reality. Very few governments align completely with Tehran across every issue, and even fewer oppose Iranian interests in every circumstance. Instead, most states maintain relationships that vary according to security concerns, economic interests, domestic politics, geography, and changing regional conditions.¹
Rather than existing as rigid alliances, Iran’s regional relationships should be viewed as a spectrum. At one end are governments that maintain extensive political, military, and economic cooperation with Tehran. In the middle are states that pursue pragmatic diplomatic engagement while simultaneously opposing certain aspects of Iranian regional policy. At the opposite end are governments that increasingly view Iranian strategic ambitions as inconsistent with their own national security objectives. Between these positions lies considerable diplomatic flexibility, allowing governments to adjust policy as regional circumstances evolve.²
 
STRONG STATE PARTNERS
Iraq
Iraq maintains perhaps the most complicated relationship with Iran anywhere in the Middle East. Geography, religion, commerce, and decades of political interaction have created deep connections between the two countries. Since the 2003 U.S.-led invasion, Iran has significantly expanded its influence within Iraq through political relationships, economic investment, religious institutions, and security cooperation with various Iraqi organizations.³
Despite these close ties, Iraq cannot accurately be described as an Iranian client state. Baghdad continues to maintain important strategic relationships with the United States, neighboring Arab governments, Turkey, the European Union, and numerous international organizations. Iraqi leaders have consistently sought to avoid becoming the central battlefield in the broader competition between Iran and its regional rivals. As a result, Iraqi foreign policy remains one of strategic balancing rather than exclusive alignment with Tehran.⁴
Syria
For decades, Syria represented Iran’s closest Arab state partner. Long before the outbreak of the Syrian civil war, Damascus and Tehran maintained extensive political, military, and intelligence cooperation based upon shared regional interests. During Syria’s civil conflict, Iranian military, financial, and logistical support became a critical component of the Assad government’s survival strategy, further strengthening the bilateral relationship.⁵
Although Syria’s domestic political landscape continues to evolve, decades of institutional cooperation have produced enduring security relationships that are likely to influence both governments well into the future. Even as Damascus seeks broader diplomatic engagement with Arab governments, Iran remains an important strategic partner within Syria’s long-term security calculations.⁶
 
COUNTRIES MAINTAINING WORKING RELATIONS
Qatar
Qatar has traditionally pursued one of the Middle East’s most independent foreign policies. While remaining a member of the Gulf Cooperation Council and maintaining close security cooperation with the United States, Doha has also preserved diplomatic and economic relations with Tehran. Shared development of the South Pars/North Field natural gas reserve—the world’s largest natural gas field—creates powerful economic incentives for continued cooperation despite broader regional disagreements.⁷
Rather than serving as an Iranian ally, Qatar has frequently positioned itself as a diplomatic intermediary capable of maintaining communication with multiple regional actors simultaneously. This flexibility has enhanced Doha’s regional influence while allowing it to preserve productive relationships across competing political blocs.⁸
Oman
For decades, Oman has cultivated a reputation as one of the Middle East’s most respected diplomatic mediators. Muscat has consistently maintained productive relationships with Iran while simultaneously preserving close partnerships with Saudi Arabia, the United States, the United Kingdom, and other Gulf governments. Rather than choosing sides in regional disputes, Omani leaders have frequently sought to reduce tensions through quiet diplomacy and confidential negotiations.⁹
Oman’s strategic value lies not in military alignment but in diplomatic credibility. Numerous regional negotiations involving Iran and Western governments have relied upon Oman’s neutral position, making Muscat one of the region’s most influential behind-the-scenes diplomatic actors.¹⁰
Pakistan
Pakistan demonstrates how strategic relationships often resist simple political labels. Sharing a lengthy border with Iran while maintaining extensive military cooperation with Saudi Arabia and long-standing security partnerships with Western governments, Islamabad has consistently attempted to balance competing regional interests without fully aligning itself with any single power.¹¹
Pakistani policymakers generally seek stable relations with Tehran while simultaneously honoring defense commitments with Gulf partners and preserving access to Western military and economic assistance. This multidirectional approach reflects Pakistan’s broader national security strategy rather than ideological preference for any one regional actor.¹²
 
JAFAJ ASSESSMENT
Iran possesses a relatively small number of close state partners, a larger group of pragmatic diplomatic relationships, and an even broader network of governments willing to cooperate selectively on issues of mutual interest. Most regional governments neither fully embrace nor fully reject Tehran. Instead, they continually adjust their relationships according to changing security conditions, economic opportunities, domestic political considerations, and evolving regional threats.
Understanding this spectrum of relationships is essential for interpreting Middle Eastern diplomacy. The region is not divided into fixed camps. It is characterized by overlapping partnerships, shifting priorities, and governments that consistently place national interests above ideological or sectarian alignment.¹ ²
 
IRAN’S MOST IMPORTANT PARTNERS ARE NOT STATES
Perhaps the most misunderstood aspect of Iran’s regional strategy is that many of its most influential partners are not sovereign governments. Although Iran maintains diplomatic relationships with numerous states, much of its regional influence has historically been exercised through long-standing relationships with non-state political and armed organizations operating throughout the Middle East.¹
This strategy differs significantly from the traditional alliance systems employed by most nation-states. Rather than relying exclusively on formal defense treaties or permanent overseas military bases, Tehran has cultivated networks of organizations capable of advancing Iranian strategic interests while simultaneously increasing the political and military costs facing potential adversaries.²
Among the best-known of these organizations is Hezbollah in Lebanon. Established during the early 1980s, Hezbollah has evolved from a local militia into one of Lebanon’s most influential political and military organizations. Its military capabilities, political representation, and extensive social service infrastructure have made it a central component of Lebanon’s domestic political landscape while also serving as one of Iran’s closest regional partners.³
Iran has likewise maintained extensive relationships with numerous Iraqi militia organizations that emerged following the 2003 invasion of Iraq and later participated in military operations against the Islamic State. While these organizations differ considerably in ideology, leadership, and political influence, several have maintained close military, financial, or ideological relationships with Tehran. Their participation within Iraq’s broader security structure has significantly expanded Iran’s political influence inside its western neighbor.⁴
In Yemen, Iran has developed relationships with the Houthi movement (Ansar Allah), a political and military organization that has become one of the principal actors in Yemen’s prolonged civil conflict. Although analysts continue to debate the precise scope of Iranian support, most governments in the region assess that Tehran has provided varying degrees of political backing, military assistance, and technical expertise that have enhanced Houthi capabilities over time.⁵
Iran has also maintained relationships with Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) and, at various times, Hamas. These relationships have not always been consistent or free of political disagreement. Hamas, for example, has periodically distanced itself from Tehran over regional issues—particularly regarding Syria—while later rebuilding portions of the relationship as strategic interests evolved. These fluctuations illustrate an important reality: even Iran’s closest non-state partners pursue their own interests and are not simply instruments of Iranian foreign policy.⁶
Collectively, these organizations are frequently described by analysts as part of Iran’s “Axis of Resistance.” From Tehran’s perspective, this network serves as a forward-defense system intended to deter military threats, expand strategic depth, and strengthen regional deterrence. Iranian officials have consistently argued that supporting allied organizations contributes to national security by reducing the likelihood that conflicts will occur solely within Iranian territory.⁷
Many neighboring governments reach very different conclusions. Saudi Arabia, Israel, Bahrain, the United Arab Emirates, and several Western governments contend that Iranian support for armed organizations undermines state sovereignty, fuels proxy warfare, prolongs regional instability, and complicates diplomatic efforts to resolve ongoing conflicts. These governments frequently argue that Iran’s regional influence extends beyond traditional diplomacy into the internal political affairs of neighboring states.⁸
These competing interpretations help explain why Iran’s network of regional partners remains one of the Middle East’s most controversial strategic issues. Supporters view these relationships as a legitimate deterrence strategy designed to protect Iranian national security. Critics view the same relationships as mechanisms through which Tehran projects influence beyond its borders while avoiding the costs and risks associated with direct military confrontation.⁹
JAFAJ assesses that both perspectives are essential for understanding the region. Policymakers who examine only one interpretation risk misunderstanding the strategic calculations driving regional decision-making. Whether viewed as deterrence, power projection, or a combination of both, Iran’s network of non-state partners has become one of the defining characteristics of contemporary Middle Eastern security and will likely remain a central factor shaping regional stability for years to come.¹⁰
 
WHY DO THESE RELATIONSHIPS EXIST?
Although each relationship is unique, several common strategic factors help explain why governments and non-state organizations continue to cooperate with Iran despite increasing regional tensions.
Shared Security Interests
Several governments and organizations view Iran as an important counterweight to competing regional powers. Where national security concerns overlap, cooperation often becomes a practical strategic choice rather than an ideological commitment.¹¹
Economic Cooperation
Energy infrastructure, cross-border trade, transportation corridors, investment opportunities, and shared natural resources encourage continued engagement with Tehran even among governments that disagree with certain Iranian regional policies. Economic interdependence frequently survives periods of political tension because mutual commercial interests remain significant.¹²
Strategic Independence
Many governments seek to avoid dependence upon any single regional or global power. Maintaining productive diplomatic relations with Iran provides additional flexibility, reduces strategic vulnerability, and strengthens negotiating positions with competing international partners.¹³
Domestic Political Considerations
In several countries, political parties, religious institutions, and armed organizations maintain longstanding historical, ideological, or cultural ties with Iran. These domestic relationships often influence foreign policy and help sustain bilateral cooperation even during periods of heightened regional tension.¹⁴
 
JAFAJ ASSESSMENT
The relationships surrounding Iran cannot be explained through religion alone. Security, economics, geography, domestic politics, and strategic necessity all shape the decisions of governments and organizations throughout the Middle East. While ideology influences public rhetoric, national interest remains the principal force determining the durability of regional partnerships.
Understanding these motivations provides a more accurate picture of the Middle East than simplistic narratives portraying governments as permanently aligned for or against Tehran. The region continues to function as a dynamic strategic environment in which cooperation, competition, and diplomacy evolve continuously in response to changing political realities.¹⁵
 
THE STRATEGIC REALITY
One of the greatest analytical mistakes made by outside observers is assuming that the Middle East is divided into two permanent camps: nations that support Iran and nations that oppose it. JAFAJ assesses that this framework fails to capture the region’s strategic complexity. Middle Eastern governments rarely maintain absolute positions. Instead, they continually adjust policy in response to changing political circumstances, economic conditions, military developments, domestic pressures, and international events.¹
The modern Middle East is better understood as a dynamic balance-of-power system than as a collection of rigid alliances. Governments frequently cooperate with one another in one area while competing vigorously in another. A nation may oppose Iranian influence in Syria while simultaneously maintaining extensive trade with Tehran. Another government may criticize Iranian military activities while preserving diplomatic relations and cooperating on maritime security or energy development. These overlapping relationships often appear contradictory to outside observers but represent standard practice in international politics.²
Economic considerations remain among the most powerful influences on regional decision-making. Energy exports, shipping lanes, financial investment, cross-border commerce, and access to international markets all encourage governments to preserve working relationships even during periods of political tension. Severing diplomatic ties or economic cooperation often imposes substantial costs on both parties, creating incentives for continued engagement despite significant strategic disagreements.³
Security considerations are equally important. Governments throughout the Middle East must simultaneously prepare for conventional military threats, terrorism, cyber operations, ballistic missile proliferation, maritime security challenges, and domestic political instability. As a result, policymakers often seek to reduce the number of active adversaries they face at any given time. Diplomatic engagement therefore becomes a practical security tool rather than an indication of political agreement.⁴
This pragmatic approach explains why many governments publicly advocate restraint during regional crises while privately strengthening military readiness and expanding security cooperation with international partners. Diplomatic statements intended for public audiences frequently differ from private strategic planning conducted by national security officials. Understanding this distinction is essential for accurately interpreting official government statements during periods of heightened regional tension.⁵
The same flexibility extends beyond the Middle East. Throughout history, governments have routinely balanced cooperation with competition. During the Cold War, numerous nations maintained commercial relationships across ideological divides. Today, major powers continue to trade, negotiate, and cooperate on selected issues despite strategic rivalry in other areas. Middle Eastern governments operate according to the same principles of statecraft that have guided international relations for centuries.⁶
Perhaps the most important conclusion is that regional politics remain fluid rather than permanent. Alliances evolve as leadership changes, security threats emerge, economic priorities shift, and diplomatic opportunities arise. Governments that compete today may cooperate tomorrow if strategic circumstances change. Likewise, longstanding partners may gradually drift apart as their national interests diverge. Stability in the Middle East therefore depends not upon permanent friendships but upon the continuous management of competing interests.⁷
For policymakers, investors, journalists, and citizens attempting to understand regional events, this distinction is critical. Headlines often focus upon military confrontation, diplomatic disputes, or ideological rhetoric, yet those events frequently represent only one element of a much broader strategic calculation. Governments rarely make decisions for a single reason. Instead, every major foreign policy decision reflects the interaction of political, economic, military, diplomatic, and domestic considerations that collectively determine national strategy.⁸
 
WHAT THIS MEANS FOR THE CURRENT CONFLICT
The ongoing confrontation involving Iran, Israel, and the United States illustrates these broader strategic realities. Although governments throughout the Muslim world have expressed concern regarding the possibility of wider regional conflict, their responses have varied considerably according to their individual national interests rather than religious affiliation alone.¹
Several governments have publicly called for restraint while simultaneously strengthening domestic security measures, protecting critical infrastructure, increasing military readiness, and coordinating closely with international partners. Others have emphasized diplomatic mediation, fearing that a broader regional war would threaten energy exports, disrupt global shipping, damage tourism, undermine economic growth, and increase domestic political instability.²
Even governments highly critical of Israeli military operations have often stopped short of endorsing direct Iranian military action. Likewise, governments maintaining cooperative relations with the United States have frequently urged restraint rather than escalation. These differing responses illustrate the central conclusion of this report: national strategy—not religious solidarity—continues to drive regional decision-making.³
JAFAJ assesses that future crises are likely to follow a similar pattern. Governments will continue evaluating events through the lens of national security, economic resilience, political stability, and strategic advantage. Public statements may emphasize solidarity, diplomacy, or humanitarian concerns, but the policies ultimately adopted will continue to reflect each government’s assessment of its own national interests.⁴
 
CONCLUSION
The question posed at the beginning of this report—Why are so many Muslim nations aligned against Iran?—cannot be answered by religion alone. While sectarian differences between Sunni and Shia Islam remain politically significant, they represent only one element within a much broader strategic landscape. JAFAJ assesses that national interests, regional security, economic priorities, historical rivalries, and geopolitical competition collectively provide a far more accurate explanation for the policies adopted by governments throughout the Middle East.¹
Contrary to popular perception, the Muslim world is not united either in support of or opposition to Iran. Instead, it is characterized by a complex network of partnerships, rivalries, and pragmatic relationships that continue to evolve as regional circumstances change. Governments cooperate where interests overlap, compete where interests diverge, and frequently pursue both strategies simultaneously. The resulting diplomatic landscape is considerably more nuanced than the simplified narratives often presented in political debate or media reporting.²
Iran has successfully developed a regional strategy centered on strategic depth, deterrence, and long-term relationships with both governments and influential non-state organizations. Supporters argue that these relationships provide necessary protection against external threats and strengthen regional deterrence. Critics contend that they expand Iranian influence beyond its borders, undermine state sovereignty, and contribute to prolonged proxy conflicts. Both interpretations shape how governments formulate policy toward Tehran, and both influence the broader regional balance of power.³
Likewise, many Arab governments have increasingly strengthened security cooperation among themselves and with outside partners, including the United States and, in some cases, Israel. These relationships should not be interpreted solely through the lens of ideology or religion. Rather, they reflect shared concerns regarding regional stability, missile proliferation, maritime security, terrorism, economic resilience, and the protection of critical national infrastructure.⁴
Perhaps the most enduring lesson is that international politics rarely operates according to permanent friendships or permanent enemies. States continuously reassess their strategic environment and modify policy as circumstances evolve. Changes in political leadership, military capability, economic conditions, technological development, or regional conflict can alter diplomatic relationships that once appeared fixed. Consequently, today’s adversaries may become tomorrow’s negotiating partners, while today’s allies may discover important areas of disagreement.⁵
For analysts, journalists, policymakers, and citizens alike, understanding these dynamics is essential. Interpreting Middle Eastern affairs primarily through religious identity risks overlooking the strategic calculations that ultimately drive government decision-making. Successful analysis requires consideration of geography, history, economics, military capability, domestic politics, alliance structures, energy security, and diplomacy alongside religious and cultural influences. Only by integrating these factors can observers accurately assess regional developments and anticipate future policy decisions.⁶
Looking ahead, JAFAJ assesses that competition between Iran and many of its regional neighbors will likely persist, although its form may continue to evolve. Direct conventional warfare remains costly and unpredictable, making diplomacy, economic pressure, intelligence operations, cyber capabilities, strategic partnerships, and proxy competition more likely instruments of statecraft. Periods of confrontation will almost certainly alternate with periods of negotiation, reflecting the continuing effort by regional governments to balance security, prosperity, and political stability.⁷
Ultimately, the central finding of this report is straightforward: the Middle East is not divided primarily by religion—it is shaped by national interest. Governments may invoke religious language, historical identity, or ideological principles in public discourse, but the policies they ultimately adopt are overwhelmingly determined by calculations of security, economic advantage, political survival, and strategic opportunity. Appreciating that distinction is fundamental to understanding not only Iran’s relationships with its neighbors, but the future trajectory of the Middle East itself.⁸
 
JAFAJ INTELLIGENCE ASSESSMENT
Confidence Level: High
JAFAJ assesses with high confidence that the principal factor driving the policies of most Muslim-majority governments toward Iran is national interest rather than religious solidarity. Historical rivalries, security concerns, economic interdependence, and geopolitical competition consistently outweigh sectarian affiliation in shaping regional decision-making.
Key Intelligence Judgments

Regional alliances remain fluid and should not be viewed as permanent.
Iran will continue relying upon strategic partnerships and indirect influence to enhance deterrence and expand regional leverage.
Arab governments are expected to deepen security cooperation while preserving selective diplomatic engagement with Tehran where national interests require.
Proxy competition, cyber operations, economic pressure, and diplomacy will remain more likely than sustained conventional interstate warfare.
Future regional stability will depend less upon religious reconciliation than upon the successful management of competing national interests.

Readers should therefore approach future developments in the Middle East with an understanding that governments are likely to continue making decisions based on pragmatic strategic calculations rather than ideological alignment alone.
 
Footnotes

Council on Foreign Relations, The Sunni-Shia Divide.
United States Institute of Peace, Iran’s Regional Strategy and Proxy Networks.
Baker Institute for Public Policy, Gulf States and Iran: Misunderstandings and Regional Security.
Reuters, “Pakistan Weighs Regional Security Risks Amid Iran Conflict,” July 2026.

Religion Unplugged. Islam’s Sunni-Shia Divide: Why It Matters Today.

Council on Foreign Relations. The Arab League and Regional Politics.
Encyclopaedia Iranica. Persian Identity and Iranian Civilization.
Brookings Institution. Identity, Nationalism, and Power Politics in the Middle East.

United States Institute of Peace. Iran’s Regional Strategy and Proxy Networks.
International Institute for Strategic Studies. The Military Balance 2026.
Center for Strategic and International Studies. Iran’s Missile and Drone Strategy.
Congressional Research Service. Iran’s Foreign and Defense Policies.
Reuters. “Regional Security Developments Following the Iran-Israel Crisis,” 2026.
Atlantic Council. Iran’s Network of Regional Partners and Strategic Deterrence.

Henry Kissinger, Diplomacy (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1994).
Council on Foreign Relations. The Sunni-Shia Divide.
Baker Institute for Public Policy. Gulf States and Iran: Misunderstandings and Regional Security.
Congressional Research Service. Iraq: Politics, Governance, and U.S. Policy.
Reuters. “Pakistan Weighs Regional Security Risks Amid Iran Conflict.” July 2026.
United States Institute of Peace. Iran’s Regional Strategy and Proxy Networks.
Stephen M. Walt, The Origins of Alliances (Cornell University Press, 1987).

Council on Foreign Relations. The Sunni-Shia Divide.
Baker Institute for Public Policy. Gulf States and Iran: Misunderstandings and Regional Security.
Congressional Research Service. Iraq: Politics, Governance, and U.S. Policy.
United States Institute of Peace. Iran’s Regional Strategy and Proxy Networks.
International Crisis Group. Syria, Iran, and Regional Security.
Reuters. “Regional Diplomacy and Syria,” 2026.
U.S. Energy Information Administration. Qatar Country Analysis Brief.
Reuters. “Qatar Maintains Regional Diplomatic Balance,” 2026.
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Oman’s Regional Mediation.
Middle East Institute. Oman as a Diplomatic Intermediary.
Reuters. “Pakistan Weighs Regional Security Risks Amid Iran Conflict.” July 2026.
Congressional Research Service. Pakistan: Political and Security Issues.

United States Institute of Peace. Iran’s Regional Strategy and Proxy Networks.
Center for Strategic and International Studies. Iran and Its Regional Network.
Congressional Research Service. Hezbollah: Background and Issues for Congress.
Congressional Research Service. Iraq: Politics, Governance, and U.S. Policy.
International Crisis Group. Yemen’s Houthi Movement and Regional Security.
Council on Foreign Relations. Iran’s Regional Influence and Proxy Organizations.
Atlantic Council. The Axis of Resistance: Strategy and Structure.
Reuters. “Regional Security Developments Following the Iran-Israel Crisis,” 2026.
Baker Institute for Public Policy. Gulf States and Iran: Misunderstandings and Regional Security.
International Institute for Strategic Studies. The Military Balance 2026.
World Bank. Middle East Trade and Regional Economic Integration.
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Strategic Autonomy in the Middle East.
Brookings Institution. Political Movements and Regional Alliances in the Middle East.
Stephen M. Walt. The Origins of Alliances. Cornell University Press, 1987.

 

Stephen M. Walt. The Origins of Alliances. Cornell University Press, 1987.
Henry Kissinger. Diplomacy. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1994.
Baker Institute for Public Policy. Gulf States and Iran: Misunderstandings and Regional Security.
International Institute for Strategic Studies. The Military Balance 2026.
Reuters. “Regional Security Developments Following the Iran-Israel Crisis,” 2026.
Council on Foreign Relations. The Sunni-Shia Divide.
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Strategic Competition in the Middle East.
Brookings Institution. Middle East Geopolitics and Regional Power Competition.

 
Selected Bibliography

Baker Institute for Public Policy. Gulf States and Iran: Misunderstandings and Regional Security.
Brookings Institution. Middle East Geopolitics and Regional Power Competition.
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Strategic Competition in the Middle East.
Center for Strategic and International Studies. Iran and Its Regional Network.
Congressional Research Service. Hezbollah: Background and Issues for Congress.
Congressional Research Service. Iran’s Foreign and Defense Policies.
Congressional Research Service. Iraq: Politics, Governance, and U.S. Policy.
Council on Foreign Relations. The Sunni-Shia Divide.
Henry Kissinger. Diplomacy. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1994.
International Crisis Group. Syria, Iran, and Regional Security.
International Institute for Strategic Studies. The Military Balance 2026.
Reuters. Various reports on Middle East regional security and diplomacy, 2026.
Stephen M. Walt. The Origins of Alliances. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1987.
United States Institute of Peace. Iran’s Regional Strategy and Proxy Networks.
World Bank. Middle East Trade and Regional Economic Integration.

 
 

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Why Israel Killed 21 Year Old Gazan Hassan Al-Razina

Israel Shifts to Targeting Hamas’ Bomb
Makers And Weapons Infrastructure 
1. SUMMARY:
Israel continues a targeted campaign against Hamas’ military infrastructure in Gaza, focusing not only on senior commanders but also on operatives with specialized technical expertise. The latest strike eliminated a Hamas explosives specialist reportedly responsible for preparing and planting improvised explosive devices (IEDs) used in attacks against Israeli forces. JAFAJ has obtained exclusive video footage showing the moment Hassan Mustafa Zuhair Al-Razina was killed after the Israeli Air Force targeted the vehicle he was traveling in on the Wadi Gaza Bridge, west of the Nuseirat refugee camp in the central Gaza Strip (https://youtu.be/cuESwVAfUgc?is=MeCZHRTj8bOBIlVI). According to the Israeli military, additional strikes have also targeted a Hamas weapons production facility in Gaza City, indicating a broader effort to degrade the group’s ability to manufacture weapons and sustain combat operations.
2. On July 10, the Israeli Air Force targeted a vehicle carrying 21-year-old Hamas militant Hassan Mustafa Zuhair Al-Razina on the Wadi Gaza Bridge, west of the Nuseirat refugee camp in the central Gaza Strip, where he was eliminated in the airstrike. According to the Israeli military, Al-Razina had recently attempted to plant explosive devices in the Yellow Line area and had participated in additional attacks against Israeli troops operating in the region.
[COMMENT: The “Yellow Line” refers to the Israeli-designated security buffer zone running along the Gaza border. The area is under tight Israeli military control and is intended to prevent Hamas infiltration, ambushes, and attacks against Israeli forces operating near the frontier. END COMMENT]
3. JAFAJ spoke with an Israeli military source who described Al-Razina as a highly skilled explosives specialist and an expert in preparing and planting improvised explosive devices (IEDs). The source stated that IEDs attributed to operatives such as Al-Razina had been responsible for the deaths of numerous Israeli soldiers during operations in Gaza, making him a significant operational target.
4. The Israeli military also announced that it had destroyed a Hamas weapons production facility in Gaza City while Hamas operatives were reportedly working inside the site to support attacks against Israeli forces and civilians. Israeli officials further confirmed the recent killing of Hamas members Hassan Mustafa Zuhair Al-Razina and Mohammed Mahmoud Abdel-Moati Al-Fayoumi. According to the Israeli assessment, these operations are part of a broader campaign aimed at degrading Hamas’ ability to manufacture weapons and sustain its military capabilities, placing increasing pressure on the organization’s operational capacity.

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PA Security Raid On Fuel Tycoon Tareq Al- Natshheh Signals Escalating International Fatah-PA Power Struggle

Editors Note: In our previous newsletter, we published two companion articles for our readers. The first examined the potential for civil conflict across several countries in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. The second focused specifically on the growing risk of civil war in Gaza. JaFaJ will continue using this companion-article approach to provide readers with broader regional context alongside focused country analyses. The following article builds upon those earlier assessments and examines subsequent developments relevant to our ongoing coverage of the MENA region.
1. Summary: Palestinian Authority security services conducted coordinated raids targeting fuel stations and offices owned by Hebron businessman Tareq Al-Natsheh. While PA-affiliated media framed the operation as regulatory enforcement, the timing, scale, and units involved point to a political decision made at the highest levels in Ramallah. According to a well-connected Palestinian businessman interviewed by JAFJA — who participated in discussions around the 2019 Bahrain Peace Workshop and engaged directly with senior U.S. officials including then-White House Senior Advisor Jared Kushner — this was not a routine law-enforcement action. It was a calculated move in an intensifying internal struggle between competing Fatah-PA power centers ahead of expected legislative elections. The reported involvement of Palestinian Military Intelligence in the crackdown strongly indicates direct approval from the presidential office. Based on current indicators, this operation marks the opening phase of open infighting among senior Fatah figures and is unlikely to be the last.
2. PA security forces carried out overnight coordinated raids on multiple “Al-Huda” fuel stations in Ramallah, Al-Bireh, Jericho and Beit Ur owned by Tareq Al-Natsheh. Al-Natsheh controls approximately 28 stations across the West Bank and is one of the dominant actors in the sector. Units involved: Preventive Security, Military Intelligence, and Customs Police. Seized: surveillance systems, files, electronic equipment, and fuel stocks. Several employees, including accountants, were detained for questioning then released. PA media reported no arrest warrant had been issued for Al-Natsheh at the time and that he remained in Beit Ur.
3. Al-Natsheh’s offices and facilities sustained extensive damage: furniture destroyed, filing cabinets broken into, personal items including family photos targeted. In a public statement, Al-Natsheh said he instructed supporters to avoid public confrontation to prevent escalation and preserve the “social fabric.”
4. The operation comes amid acute speculation over motive. Two narratives dominate: A. A technical dispute over PA debts to fuel suppliers. B. A political purge tied to internal Fatah alignment ahead of legislative elections. Al-Natsheh is widely understood to maintain close ties to senior Fatah and security figures including Jibril Rajoub and Zakaria Musleh. The timing, just as consultations on electoral lists begin, reinforces the assessment that this is a political signal, not just a financial case.
5. Separately, the Union of Fuel Station Owners reports PA institutions owe suppliers over 70 million shekels. The union warned continued non-payment will force stations to halt fuel to government and security vehicles. Rising fuel prices have worsened liquidity across the sector. The financial dispute is real, but it is being leveraged as cover for political targeting.
6. JAFJA interviewed a prominent Hebron businessman with direct regional political and commercial access. The source attended Bahrain Peace Workshop discussions in 2019 and dealt with senior U.S. officials at the time, including Jared Kushner. Assessment: The raid was ordered for political reasons. The deployment of Military Intelligence confirms senior sign-off from Ramallah. This is the start of a factional confrontation inside Fatah and the PA, and more actions of this type should be expected as succession jockeying accelerates.
7. The Al-Natsheh raids are a political operation disguised as regulatory enforcement. They reflect deepening rivalry inside the PA and Fatah, with Military Intelligence’s role confirming top-level authorization. Expect further targeting of business and security figures aligned with rival camps in the coming weeks.

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Iraq’s New Prime Minister Comes To Washington

The Trump–al-Zaidi Meeting and the Future of Iraq
JAFAJ Intelligence Briefing
EXECUTIVE ASSESSMENT
The first official White House meeting between President Donald Trump and Iraq’s newly appointed Prime Minister, Ali al-Zaidi, represents far more than a ceremonial diplomatic engagement. It marks what may become the beginning of a new strategic chapter in U.S.-Iraq relations, one that seeks to redefine a partnership historically dominated by military operations, counterterrorism, and regional conflict into one increasingly centered on economic development, infrastructure investment, energy cooperation, and institutional reform.¹²
For more than two decades, Iraq has been viewed almost exclusively through the lens of war. The 2003 U.S.-led invasion, sectarian violence, the rise and territorial defeat of the Islamic State (ISIS), the expansion of Iranian influence, and repeated security crises have dominated both media coverage and Western policy discussions. Those challenges remain significant. However, they no longer represent the complete picture. Iraq now stands at an inflection point where economic modernization, government reform, foreign investment, and legislative reconstruction may ultimately prove more consequential than military operations in determining the country’s future.³
The White House meeting reflected this transition. Public remarks by both leaders emphasized investment, reconstruction, oil and natural gas development, infrastructure modernization, electricity generation, and expanding opportunities for American companies operating in Iraq. Security cooperation remained important, particularly regarding ISIS and the future of Iran-backed armed groups, but it was no longer the sole focus of the bilateral relationship. Instead, both governments projected an image of economic partnership designed to produce long-term stability rather than temporary military success.¹²
The meeting also occurred during one of the most strategically sensitive periods in modern Iraqi history. Iraq continues balancing relationships with the United States, Iran, Türkiye, the Gulf States, and an increasingly active China while simultaneously confronting domestic corruption, weak public institutions, unemployment, deteriorating infrastructure, and the continuing challenge of integrating competing armed organizations under the authority of the Iraqi state. These competing pressures make Iraq one of the most politically complex countries in the Middle East.³
For JAFAJ readers, the significance of this meeting extends well beyond diplomacy. The central question is not whether President Trump and Prime Minister al-Zaidi established a productive working relationship. Rather, it is whether Iraq can transform diplomatic momentum into meaningful national reform. That transformation will ultimately depend upon Parliament’s willingness to enact legislation governing foreign investment, banking modernization, energy development, cybersecurity, anti-corruption initiatives, public-private partnerships, and institutional reform. In the final analysis, Iraq’s future will be determined less by speeches delivered in Washington than by laws enacted in Baghdad.
 
KEY JUDGMENTS

Iraq is entering a period in which economic development and institutional modernization may become as strategically important as military security.⁴
The Trump Administration appears to be repositioning the U.S.-Iraq relationship toward investment, energy, reconstruction, and commercial cooperation while maintaining counterterrorism coordination.¹²
Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi inherits an Iraq possessing extraordinary economic potential but constrained by corruption, political fragmentation, infrastructure deficits, and competing regional influences.¹³
Parliament—not diplomacy—will determine whether Iraq’s proposed reforms become permanent national policy through legislation.
Iraq’s legislative agenda deserves to be monitored as a strategic intelligence indicator because it provides one of the earliest measures of the government’s long-term priorities.

 
WHY IRAQ MATTERS
The White House meeting cannot be understood without first understanding Iraq itself. Few nations occupy a more strategically important position in the international system. Iraq sits at the geographic crossroads of the Middle East, bordering Iran, Türkiye, Syria, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, and Kuwait while maintaining access to the Persian Gulf. It is simultaneously an energy producer, a transportation corridor, a security buffer, and a political battleground where regional and global powers pursue competing interests.⁵
Iraq also possesses one of the world’s largest proven petroleum reserves, making it a central player within OPEC and an important contributor to global energy markets. Although oil revenues continue to finance the overwhelming majority of government spending, decades of war, sanctions, corruption, and underinvestment have left much of Iraq’s infrastructure in need of reconstruction. Electricity shortages, inadequate water systems, aging transportation networks, and limited private-sector investment continue to constrain long-term economic growth. During his Washington visit, Prime Minister al-Zaidi estimated Iraq’s reconstruction requirements at more than $400 billion, arguing that sustained foreign investment—not simply foreign aid—will be necessary to rebuild the country.⁶
For the United States, Iraq represents far more than an energy partner. American policymakers continue to view Iraq as an essential component of regional stability, particularly in preventing the re-emergence of ISIS, limiting the influence of Iran-backed armed groups, protecting freedom of navigation in the Gulf, and maintaining a favorable balance of power across the Middle East.⁷
Regional governments share many of these interests but approach Iraq from different perspectives. Iran views Iraq as a critical strategic partner because of shared religious, economic, and security ties. Türkiye remains focused on border security and Kurdish militant organizations operating in northern Iraq. Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, and other Gulf states increasingly view Iraq as both an investment opportunity and an important Arab partner capable of strengthening regional economic integration. China also continues expanding its commercial presence through infrastructure and energy investments, making Iraq an arena of increasing strategic competition among major powers.⁸
 
WHO IS ALI AL-ZAIDI?
Ali al-Zaidi arrived in office under unusual circumstances. Unlike many previous Iraqi prime ministers whose political careers developed through long-established party structures, al-Zaidi entered national politics as a businessman with limited previous political experience. Following months of parliamentary deadlock after Iraq’s elections, he emerged as a compromise candidate capable of attracting support from multiple political factions while also receiving unusually strong encouragement from Washington.⁹
President Trump publicly acknowledged that he had supported al-Zaidi’s candidacy, arguing that Iraq required a leader focused upon economic development rather than political patronage. During their Oval Office meeting, Trump described the two men as having “tremendous chemistry” and predicted that al-Zaidi would become an important regional leader.¹⁰
That comparison is not accidental. Like President Trump, al-Zaidi presents himself as a businessman first and a politician second. His public message emphasizes investment, infrastructure, reconstruction, efficiency, employment, and economic modernization rather than ideology. Whether that approach can succeed within Iraq’s highly fragmented political system remains one of the central questions facing his administration.
His government nevertheless begins with formidable obstacles. Iraq continues confronting entrenched corruption, competing political blocs, weak public institutions, extensive reconstruction needs, and the continuing influence of armed organizations operating alongside formal state security institutions. Any meaningful reform agenda will therefore require not only executive leadership but sustained parliamentary support capable of translating policy proposals into legislation.
For JAFAJ readers, al-Zaidi’s greatest challenge is unlikely to be diplomacy in Washington. It will be governance in Baghdad. His success will ultimately depend upon whether Iraq’s Parliament can enact the legal and regulatory reforms necessary to attract investment, modernize financial institutions, strengthen public administration, and restore confidence in the Iraqi state.
 
THE TRUMP–AL-ZAIDI MEETING: WHAT WAS DISCUSSED?
Although the public images from the Oval Office emphasized diplomacy and personal rapport, the substance of the Trump–al-Zaidi meeting centered on a series of strategic issues that will likely shape U.S.-Iraq relations for years to come. Unlike previous meetings that focused primarily on military operations, this discussion reflected a broader agenda encompassing economic development, energy security, reconstruction, regional stability, and long-term investment.¹¹¹²
FROM A SECURITY PARTNERSHIP TO AN ECONOMIC PARTNERSHIP
Perhaps the most significant outcome of the meeting was the apparent effort by both governments to redefine the bilateral relationship. For more than two decades, American policy toward Iraq has been dominated by military operations, counterterrorism, intelligence cooperation, and security assistance. While those issues remain important, both leaders publicly emphasized expanding cooperation into commerce, infrastructure, energy, technology, and private investment.¹¹
President Trump repeatedly highlighted opportunities for American companies to participate in Iraq’s reconstruction while encouraging greater commercial engagement between the two countries. Prime Minister al-Zaidi similarly described Iraq as entering a new phase of development that requires international investment rather than prolonged dependence upon foreign assistance. The message from both governments was clear: future relations should increasingly be measured by economic growth rather than military deployments.¹¹¹²
ENERGY REMAINED THE FOUNDATION
Energy dominated much of the strategic discussion.
Iraq possesses enormous petroleum resources but continues facing serious challenges involving electricity generation, natural gas utilization, refining capacity, transmission infrastructure, and domestic energy distribution. American companies possess technical expertise in each of these sectors, making energy cooperation one of the most practical areas for expanding bilateral relations.¹²
Prime Minister al-Zaidi also argued that Iraq deserves greater production flexibility within OPEC to support national reconstruction and long-term economic development. Increased production, however, must be balanced against broader market stability and the collective decisions of OPEC members. The discussion therefore extended beyond oil production itself to encompass Iraq’s broader economic future.¹²
SECURITY COOPERATION CONTINUES
Although economic issues received greater attention than in previous years, security cooperation remains indispensable.
ISIS no longer controls significant territory, but the organization continues maintaining insurgent capabilities in parts of Iraq and neighboring Syria. Intelligence sharing, counterterrorism operations, military training, and border security therefore remain central components of U.S.-Iraq cooperation.¹¹
The meeting also addressed Iraq’s continuing effort to consolidate state authority over armed organizations operating outside direct government control. Prime Minister al-Zaidi reportedly indicated that the Iraqi government intends to strengthen the authority of national institutions while reducing the need for independent armed organizations following the planned transition in the American military mission.¹¹
THE IRAN FACTOR
No discussion of Iraq can ignore Iran.
Although neither government publicly characterized the meeting as an effort to counter Tehran, Iranian influence formed an unavoidable strategic backdrop. Iraq maintains extensive economic, political, religious, and cultural ties with Iran while simultaneously seeking stronger economic and security cooperation with the United States and other Western partners.
This balancing strategy reflects geopolitical necessity rather than political preference. Iraq cannot afford open confrontation with Iran, nor can it ignore the economic and security benefits associated with cooperation with Washington. Prime Minister al-Zaidi’s challenge will therefore be maintaining productive relations with both governments while strengthening Iraq’s own national sovereignty and reducing external dependence.¹¹¹²
 
JAFAJ ANALYSIS
The White House meeting suggests that both governments recognize a fundamental reality: Iraq’s future will not be determined exclusively by military power.
Instead, the next phase of strategic competition will likely focus upon investment, infrastructure, legislation, institutional reform, technology, and economic modernization.
For Washington, a prosperous Iraq represents a more durable security partner than an unstable Iraq dependent upon continuous military assistance.
For Baghdad, attracting foreign capital, modernizing infrastructure, strengthening public institutions, and diversifying the national economy represent essential prerequisites for long-term stability.
The success of that strategy, however, will ultimately depend upon Iraq’s ability to translate diplomatic agreements into enforceable law.
 
LEGISLATIVE IMPLICATIONS: WHERE IRAQ’S FUTURE WILL BE DECIDED
For JAFAJ readers, the most important consequence of the Trump-al-Zaidi meeting may never appear in a White House press release. Instead, its lasting significance will be measured by the legislation introduced, debated, amended, and enacted by Iraq’s Parliament during the coming months.
Diplomatic meetings establish political direction.
Legislation determines whether that direction becomes national policy.
If Prime Minister al-Zaidi intends to modernize Iraq’s economy and strengthen its international partnerships, Parliament will be required to enact a broad package of legislative and regulatory reforms. Without statutory authority, many of the initiatives discussed in Washington will remain political aspirations rather than operational government policy.¹³
Several legislative priorities are already becoming apparent.
FOREIGN INVESTMENT REFORM
One of Iraq’s highest priorities will be strengthening the legal environment governing foreign investment.
International investors consistently seek predictable regulatory systems, transparent commercial law, reliable dispute resolution, enforceable contracts, stable taxation, and protection against arbitrary government action. Although Iraq has made progress, additional legislative modernization will likely be necessary if Baghdad hopes to compete with Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, and other regional investment destinations.¹⁴
ENERGY LEGISLATION
Energy remains Iraq’s greatest economic asset.
Future legislation may address petroleum production, natural gas development, electricity generation, transmission infrastructure, refinery modernization, renewable energy, pipeline construction, and public-private partnerships designed to attract international capital.
Successful modernization of Iraq’s energy sector would strengthen government revenues while improving domestic electricity reliability and expanding opportunities for international investment.¹⁴
BANKING AND FINANCIAL MODERNIZATION
Iraq’s financial system continues requiring substantial modernization.
Potential legislative reforms include commercial banking, electronic payments, anti-money laundering authorities, financial technology, digital banking, securities regulation, and capital market development.
Modern financial institutions remain essential for attracting foreign investment and supporting long-term economic growth.
ANTI-CORRUPTION
Corruption continues representing one of Iraq’s greatest structural challenges.
Future legislation strengthening procurement transparency, financial disclosure, government auditing, inspector general authorities, judicial independence, and public accountability could significantly improve investor confidence while strengthening public trust in government institutions.
DIGITAL GOVERNMENT
Like many countries throughout the Middle East, Iraq is beginning the transition toward digital government.
Future legislation may include:

cybersecurity;
electronic government services;
digital identity;
artificial intelligence governance;
electronic procurement;
data protection;
digital commerce;
critical infrastructure protection.

These reforms would align Iraq with broader regional modernization efforts while improving government efficiency.
 
REGIONAL IMPLICATIONS
The Trump-al-Zaidi meeting immediately attracted attention throughout the Middle East because Iraq’s future affects virtually every regional government.
Iran will likely continue seeking to preserve its longstanding political and economic influence while monitoring expanding American commercial engagement.
Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates are expected to support greater Iraqi economic stability because stronger commercial integration benefits regional trade while providing an alternative to prolonged geopolitical confrontation.
Türkiye will remain focused upon northern Iraq, border security, energy transportation corridors, and Kurdish militant organizations operating near the frontier.
Israel will closely observe developments affecting Iranian-backed armed organizations and Iraq’s broader regional orientation.
China will likely continue expanding infrastructure and energy investment opportunities consistent with its broader Belt and Road Initiative.
For each government, Iraq represents both an opportunity and a strategic variable.
 
JAFAJ INTELLIGENCE ASSESSMENT
The Trump–al-Zaidi meeting should not be interpreted as a routine diplomatic engagement or viewed solely through the traditional lens of bilateral relations. Rather, it may represent the opening phase of Iraq’s next national transformation—a strategic transition in which economic modernization, institutional reform, and legislative development become as important to national security as military operations and counterterrorism.
For more than two decades, Iraq has occupied a central place within American military strategy. The emerging relationship outlined during the White House meeting suggests that Washington increasingly seeks to redefine that partnership. Success may no longer be measured primarily by troop deployments, kinetic operations, or counterterrorism cooperation, but by measurable progress in private investment, infrastructure modernization, energy development, commercial partnerships, financial reform, and institutional capacity.
Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi appears equally committed to repositioning Iraq from a nation defined by conflict into one defined by economic opportunity. His public emphasis on reconstruction, investment, and modernization suggests an effort to recast Iraq as a regional commercial partner rather than a perpetual security challenge.
Whether those ambitions become reality remains uncertain.
Iraq continues confronting deeply rooted structural obstacles, including systemic corruption, political fragmentation, competing armed organizations, weak public institutions, deteriorating infrastructure, unemployment, demographic pressures, and persistent regional competition among major powers. These conditions cannot be resolved through diplomacy alone, nor can they be overcome by executive action in isolation.

They require legislation.
They require implementation.
They require institutional accountability.
They require sustained political leadership over many years.

For intelligence analysts, the principal indicators of success are now becoming increasingly clear. The most meaningful measures of Iraq’s future will not be found primarily in diplomatic communiqués or presidential statements, but in Parliament’s legislative agenda, the pace of regulatory modernization, the implementation of enacted reforms, and the government’s ability to translate political commitments into measurable institutional change.
JAFAJ therefore assesses with moderate confidence that Iraq’s Parliament—not future diplomatic summits—will become the single most important institution to monitor during the coming legislative session. The laws enacted in Baghdad may ultimately provide a more reliable indicator of Iraq’s strategic trajectory than any speech delivered in Washington.
CONCLUSION
History rarely changes because of a single diplomatic meeting.
More often, history changes because such meetings establish a new strategic direction that is subsequently translated into legislation, institutional reform, sustained political leadership, and measurable national progress.
The Trump–al-Zaidi meeting appears to represent one of those moments.
Whether it ultimately becomes a genuine turning point in U.S.-Iraq relations will depend not upon diplomatic rhetoric, personal chemistry, or symbolic announcements, but upon Iraq’s ability to convert strategic opportunity into enduring national reform. Diplomatic agreements establish intent. Laws establish policy. Institutions determine whether that policy succeeds.
For JAFAJ readers, this changes where strategic attention should be focused.

Continue monitoring the White House.
Continue monitoring regional diplomacy.
Continue monitoring military developments.
But watch Iraq’s Parliament just as carefully.
Watch the legislation governing foreign investment.
Watch energy reform.
Watch banking modernization.
Watch cybersecurity and digital governance.
Watch anti-corruption initiatives.
Watch infrastructure financing.
Watch judicial and regulatory reform.

These measures will provide the earliest and most reliable indicators of whether Iraq is successfully transitioning from a security-dependent state toward a modern, diversified economy capable of attracting sustained international investment, strengthening public institutions, expanding economic opportunity, and exercising greater national sovereignty.
For intelligence professionals, legislation is more than public policy—it is a strategic indicator. Parliamentary agendas reveal priorities. Budget appropriations reveal commitment. Regulatory reforms reveal implementation. Together, they provide one of the clearest windows into a government’s long-term intentions.
The next chapter of Iraq’s future is unlikely to be written first on the battlefield. It will be:

written in committee hearings.
debated on the floor of Parliament.
enacted into law.

Military operations may continue to shape today’s headlines and diplomatic meetings may influence tomorrow’s agenda – But the laws enacted in Baghdad will determine Iraq’s future for decades to come.
That is where JAFAJ will be watching.
 
FOOTNOTES

Associated Press, “Trump Touts ‘Tremendous Chemistry’ with New Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi During White House Visit,” July 14, 2026.
Reuters, “Trump Says U.S. Will Be Doing a Lot of Deals With Iraq, Taking a Lot of Oil Out,” July 14, 2026.
Reuters, “Iraq Needs a Fair Share Within OPEC, Says Prime Minister,” July 14, 2026.
Associated Press, “Trump Touts ‘Tremendous Chemistry’ with New Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi During White House Visit,” July 14, 2026; Reuters, “Iraq Needs a Fair Share Within OPEC, Says Prime Minister,” July 14, 2026.
U.S. Energy Information Administration, Country Analysis Brief: Iraq; Reuters, “Iraq Needs a Fair Share Within OPEC, Says Prime Minister,” July 14, 2026.
Reuters, “Iraq Needs a Fair Share Within OPEC, Says Prime Minister,” July 14, 2026.
Associated Press, “Trump Touts ‘Tremendous Chemistry’ with New Iraqi Prime Minister al-Zaidi During White House Visit,” July 14, 2026.
Reuters, “Trump Says U.S. Will Be Doing a Lot of Deals With Iraq, Taking a Lot of Oil Out,” July 14, 2026; Reuters, “Iraq Needs a Fair Share Within OPEC, Says Prime Minister,” July 14, 2026.
Associated Press, “Trump Touts ‘Tremendous Chemistry’ with New Iraqi Prime Minister al-Zaidi During White House Visit,” July 14, 2026.
Associated Press, “Trump Touts ‘Tremendous Chemistry’ with New Iraqi Prime Minister al-Zaidi During White House Visit,” July 14, 2026
Associated Press, “Trump Touts ‘Tremendous Chemistry’ with New Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi During White House Visit,” July 14, 2026. (AP News).
Reuters, “Iraq Needs a Fair Share Within OPEC, Says Prime Minister,” July 14, 2026; Reuters, “Trump Says U.S. Will Be Doing a Lot of Deals With Iraq,” July 14, 2026.
Associated Press, “Trump Touts ‘Tremendous Chemistry’ with New Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi During White House Visit,” July 14, 2026.
Reuters, “Iraq Needs a Fair Share Within OPEC, Says Prime Minister,” July 14, 2026.

 
SELECTED REFERENCES

Associated Press. “Trump Touts ‘Tremendous Chemistry’ with New Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi During White House Visit.” July 14, 2026.
“Iraq Needs a Fair Share Within OPEC, Says Prime Minister.” July 14, 2026.
“Trump Says U.S. Will Be Doing a Lot of Deals With Iraq.” July 14, 2026.
S. Energy Information Administration. Country Analysis Brief: Iraq.
World Bank. Iraq Overview.
International Monetary Fund. Regional Economic Outlook: Middle East and Central Asia.

 
 

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Is Iran’s Intelligence System Failing Its Leaders?

An Assessment of Intelligence Collection, Analysis, Counterintelligence, and Strategic Decision-Making
Publication Date: July 15, 2026
Classification: Open-Source Intelligence Assessment (OSINT)
JAFAJ SPECIAL INTELLIGENCE ASSESSMENT
EXECUTIVE ASSESSMENT
Iran’s intelligence community occupies a central position in the Islamic Republic’s national security strategy. Unlike many states that rely primarily on conventional military power to advance national interests, Iran has long depended upon intelligence operations, proxy organizations, covert action, cyber capabilities, and strategic influence campaigns to compensate for conventional military limitations. Intelligence is not merely a supporting function within the Iranian system; it is one of the principal instruments through which the state seeks to preserve regime stability, deter foreign adversaries, influence regional politics, and project power beyond its borders.
Measured solely by its ability to collect information, Iran’s intelligence services remain capable organizations. Over the past two decades, Tehran has demonstrated competence in cyber espionage, regional human intelligence (HUMINT), open-source intelligence (OSINT), signals intelligence (SIGINT), and the cultivation of proxy networks throughout the Middle East. These capabilities have enabled Iran to monitor regional developments, evade sanctions, support allied organizations, and influence conflicts extending from Lebanon and Syria to Iraq and Yemen.¹
Yet intelligence collection represents only one stage of a much broader intelligence process.
Modern intelligence organizations exist not merely to acquire information but to transform information into actionable knowledge that informs strategic decision-making. This process requires successful collection, analysis, dissemination, policy integration, operational security, and continuous counterintelligence. Failure at any stage may produce strategic surprise, operational setbacks, or political miscalculation.
This assessment examines whether recent events indicate that Iran’s intelligence system is experiencing such failures.
The evidence presented in this report does not support the conclusion that Iranian intelligence organizations are fundamentally incapable of collecting information. Instead, publicly observable events suggest a more nuanced picture. Iran continues to demonstrate considerable intelligence capabilities in several domains while simultaneously experiencing repeated operational setbacks that raise legitimate questions regarding analytical performance, institutional coordination, counterintelligence, and strategic decision-making.
Repeated Israeli intelligence operations inside Iran, targeted killings of senior military leaders and nuclear scientists, sabotage of strategic facilities, cyber intrusions, and apparent foreign penetration of sensitive government institutions have exposed vulnerabilities that cannot easily be dismissed as isolated incidents. Although each operation may have unique circumstances, their cumulative effect suggests systemic weaknesses deserving careful examination.
This report therefore evaluates Iran’s intelligence performance not by ideology or political preference, but by measurable operational outcomes. Intelligence organizations ultimately succeed or fail according to their ability to provide accurate warning, protect national secrets, deny adversaries access to sensitive information, and enable informed national decision-making.
Whether Iran is meeting those objectives remains the central question addressed throughout this assessment.
KEY JUDGMENTS
Based upon publicly available information, this assessment reaches the following principal judgments.
First, Iran continues to maintain a capable and sophisticated intelligence apparatus possessing significant strengths in regional intelligence collection, cyber operations, proxy-enabled human intelligence, and open-source intelligence exploitation. Public evidence does not support characterizing Iranian intelligence services as ineffective institutions.²
Second, repeated operational successes achieved by foreign intelligence services against Iranian targets suggest significant weaknesses exist within Iran’s counterintelligence and security architecture. The persistence of these operations over multiple years indicates structural rather than isolated vulnerabilities.
Third, available evidence suggests that intelligence collection and strategic decision-making should be evaluated separately. An intelligence service may correctly identify an adversary’s capabilities while political leadership misjudges intentions, timing, or willingness to act. Public information is insufficient to determine precisely where failures occur within the Iranian decision-making process.
Fourth, the available evidence supports a moderate-to-high confidence assessment that counterintelligence presently represents one of Iran’s most significant institutional vulnerabilities. Foreign intelligence services appear to have repeatedly obtained highly sensitive operational information concerning Iranian military leadership, strategic facilities, and national security programs.
Fifth, the evidence does not support broad conclusions regarding the overall effectiveness of Iran’s intelligence organizations. Certain intelligence disciplines—including cyber operations and regional proxy intelligence—continue to demonstrate meaningful capability despite observable weaknesses elsewhere.
INTELLIGENCE CONFIDENCE LEVELS
Professional intelligence assessments distinguish carefully between observable facts, analytical judgments, and speculation. Throughout this report, confidence levels reflect the quantity, quality, consistency, and independence of available evidence.
High Confidence indicates multiple independent sources consistently support a conclusion and alternative explanations appear substantially less likely.
Moderate Confidence indicates available evidence generally supports the assessment, although competing interpretations remain plausible or significant information gaps exist.
Low Confidence indicates the available evidence is limited, contradictory, or insufficient to support firm analytical conclusions.
Because this report relies exclusively upon publicly available information, no conclusion should be interpreted as possessing the certainty associated with classified intelligence reporting.
SCOPE AND METHODOLOGY
This report is an open-source intelligence assessment.
It relies upon publicly available government publications, official statements, judicial records, congressional testimony, cybersecurity advisories, reports issued by international organizations, academic research, reputable investigative journalism, think-tank analyses, and observable operational outcomes.
The assessment does not rely upon classified information.
Accordingly, the report does not attempt to reconstruct Iranian intelligence reporting or internal deliberations. Instead, it evaluates measurable outcomes and institutional performance based upon evidence available within the public domain.
Observable operational success and failure remain among the most useful indicators available when evaluating intelligence organizations from outside government.
Repeated strategic surprise, successful foreign penetration, compromised operational security, and ineffective counterintelligence frequently reveal institutional characteristics even when internal reporting remains inaccessible.
Conversely, successful intelligence operations, effective cyber campaigns, resilient proxy networks, and sophisticated regional influence activities demonstrate institutional strengths that should not be overlooked.
Throughout this assessment, care has been taken to distinguish documented events from analytical interpretation.
CHAPTER ONE
UNDERSTANDING IRAN’S INTELLIGENCE COMMUNITY
Iran possesses one of the largest and most complex intelligence architectures in the Middle East.
Rather than concentrating intelligence authority within a single civilian organization, the Islamic Republic has developed a multilayered intelligence structure composed of civilian agencies, military organizations, law-enforcement entities, religious institutions, cyber organizations, and specialized security services. While this structure provides redundancy and broad collection capabilities, it also creates overlapping jurisdictions, bureaucratic competition, and potential challenges in coordinating intelligence assessments across multiple institutions.
At the center of the civilian intelligence system is the Ministry of Intelligence (MOIS). Established in 1984 following the consolidation of the Islamic Republic, MOIS serves as Iran’s principal civilian intelligence organization. Its responsibilities include domestic security, foreign intelligence collection, counterespionage, counterterrorism, protection of state institutions, and monitoring activities considered threats to national security.³
Parallel to MOIS is the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps Intelligence Organization (IRGC-IO). Unlike MOIS, which functions as a government ministry, the IRGC Intelligence Organization operates within the Revolutionary Guard structure and maintains particularly close relationships with Iran’s political and military leadership. Over the past two decades, the IRGC-IO has expanded significantly in both influence and operational capability, becoming one of the country’s most powerful intelligence organizations.
The existence of parallel intelligence organizations is neither unusual nor inherently problematic. Numerous countries—including the United States—maintain multiple intelligence agencies with specialized missions.
The challenge arises when institutional competition begins to outweigh institutional cooperation.
Public reporting has periodically suggested rivalry between elements of Iran’s civilian intelligence services and the Revolutionary Guard’s intelligence organizations. Such competition may encourage innovation and redundancy, but it can also complicate intelligence sharing, delay dissemination, or produce competing analytical assessments reaching senior policymakers.
In addition to MOIS and the IRGC Intelligence Organization, numerous other entities contribute to Iran’s intelligence ecosystem.
The IRGC Quds Force collects foreign operational intelligence supporting overseas activities and relationships with allied organizations throughout the Middle East. Iranian military intelligence organizations provide battlefield assessments and operational planning. The Law Enforcement Command maintains domestic intelligence responsibilities relating to public security, organized crime, and internal stability. Cyber organizations affiliated with both MOIS and the IRGC conduct espionage, influence operations, network reconnaissance, and defensive cyber activities.⁴
This layered intelligence structure reflects Iran’s broader national security philosophy.
Rather than relying exclusively upon conventional military superiority, Tehran integrates intelligence, diplomacy, cyber operations, proxy organizations, economic pressure, and information campaigns into a unified strategy designed to offset conventional disadvantages and create strategic depth throughout the region.
Viewed from this perspective, intelligence is not merely an adjunct to military power.
It is one of the primary instruments through which the Islamic Republic seeks to achieve national objectives.
That institutional importance makes recent operational setbacks particularly significant. If intelligence occupies such a central role within Iran’s national security strategy, repeated failures affecting intelligence performance have implications extending well beyond individual operations. They raise broader questions concerning organizational effectiveness, analytical rigor, strategic warning, and the ability of senior leadership to make informed national security decisions.
These questions form the foundation for the remainder of this assessment.
JAFAJ ANALYTICAL ASSESSMENT – CHAPTER ONE
Key Findings

Iran maintains one of the Middle East’s most extensive intelligence systems.
The country possesses multiple capable intelligence organizations with distinct but overlapping missions.
Intelligence remains central to Iranian national security doctrine.
Institutional complexity creates opportunities for both specialization and bureaucratic friction.
Public evidence indicates meaningful intelligence capabilities coexist with observable operational vulnerabilities.

Confidence Level
High Confidence
Strategic Implications
Understanding Iran’s intelligence performance requires evaluating the entire intelligence cycle rather than focusing exclusively on individual operational successes or failures. Institutional strengths in collection do not necessarily translate into effective strategic decision-making or successful counterintelligence.
RUNNING CHICAGO-STYLE FOOTNOTES

Office of the Director of National Intelligence (ODNI), Annual Threat Assessment of the U.S. Intelligence Community, various editions.
International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS), The Military Balance, annual editions; U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA), Iran Military Power.
Ministry of Intelligence of the Islamic Republic of Iran, official organizational history and statutory authorities; see also academic studies of the post-1979 Iranian intelligence system.
Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps; U.S. Congressional Research Service, Iran: Internal Politics and U.S. Policy and Sanctions, various editions.

 
=====================
CHAPTER TWO
THE INTELLIGENCE CYCLE: WHERE SUCCESS OR FAILURE IS DETERMINED
Intelligence organizations are often judged by their most visible successes and failures. Assassinations, sabotage operations, cyber intrusions, espionage arrests, and covert actions receive widespread media attention and frequently shape public perceptions regarding the effectiveness of intelligence services. Professional intelligence organizations, however, evaluate performance differently.
An intelligence service is only as effective as its ability to move information through the entire intelligence cycle. Collection alone is insufficient. Information must be transformed into reliable intelligence, communicated to decision-makers in a timely manner, protected from compromise, and ultimately incorporated into policy decisions. Weakness at any stage of this cycle can undermine otherwise successful collection efforts.
For analytical purposes, the intelligence cycle may be divided into six principal stages:

Planning and Direction
Collection
Processing and Exploitation
Analysis and Production
Dissemination
Decision and Operational Response

Although presented sequentially, these functions operate simultaneously and continuously.
Planning and Direction
The intelligence process begins with national leadership identifying strategic priorities. Intelligence organizations cannot effectively collect information unless policymakers clearly define the questions requiring answers.
For Iran, these priorities have remained relatively consistent for decades. Principal intelligence requirements include monitoring Israeli military capabilities, assessing United States force posture in the Middle East, protecting the regime from internal and external threats, evaluating regional political developments, monitoring sanctions enforcement, supporting proxy organizations, and preserving the security of strategic military and nuclear programs.¹
There is little public evidence suggesting Iran has failed to identify its principal intelligence priorities. On the contrary, Tehran has consistently devoted substantial institutional resources toward these objectives.
Accordingly, there is little basis for concluding that the planning phase represents the principal weakness within Iran’s intelligence system.
JAFAJ Assessment: Moderate Confidence
Collection
Iran possesses diversified intelligence collection capabilities.
Its Ministry of Intelligence (MOIS), Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps Intelligence Organization (IRGC-IO), Quds Force, cyber organizations, military intelligence services, diplomatic reporting, proxy organizations, and open-source analysts collectively generate substantial quantities of intelligence.
Iran has demonstrated competence in several collection disciplines.
Regional proxy organizations have provided battlefield reporting throughout Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, Yemen, and the Palestinian territories. Cyber organizations have conducted espionage campaigns targeting governments, research institutions, universities, and private industry. Public reporting further indicates extensive exploitation of commercially available satellite imagery, maritime tracking systems, procurement databases, and social media platforms.
The growth of publicly available information has fundamentally altered intelligence work. Much strategic insight no longer requires clandestine collection. Open-source intelligence increasingly supplements—or in some cases replaces—traditional espionage.
Iran has invested heavily in these capabilities.
While individual collection failures undoubtedly occur, available evidence suggests Iranian intelligence organizations remain capable collectors of regional political and military information.
JAFAJ Assessment: High Confidence
Processing and Exploitation
Raw information rarely possesses immediate intelligence value.
Collected information must be translated, authenticated, organized, prioritized, correlated with existing reporting, and prepared for analytical review.
Little reliable public information exists concerning Iran’s internal processing procedures.
Accordingly, no firm conclusions should be drawn regarding this stage of the intelligence cycle.
Nevertheless, the sophistication demonstrated by Iranian cyber campaigns and regional intelligence activities suggests competent technical processing capabilities in many operational areas.
Whether all relevant information reaches the appropriate analytical organizations remains unknown.
JAFAJ Assessment: Low Confidence
Analysis and Production
Intelligence analysis represents the point at which information becomes judgment.
Professional analysts compare independent sources, identify inconsistencies, evaluate competing explanations, assess probability, and communicate uncertainty to policymakers. Their responsibility is not to predict the future with certainty but to reduce uncertainty sufficiently to improve decision-making.
History demonstrates that intelligence failures frequently originate during analysis rather than collection.
Israeli intelligence underestimated Arab intentions in 1973 despite substantial warning information. American intelligence struggled to integrate dispersed reporting before the September 11 attacks. Numerous governments have overestimated or underestimated adversaries because analysts accepted prevailing assumptions rather than testing alternative hypotheses.
Whether Iran faces similar analytical challenges cannot be determined directly from public information.
However, observable operational outcomes suggest that some strategic developments may not have been fully anticipated or adequately incorporated into national decision-making.
Possible explanations include analytical bias, fragmented reporting, institutional rivalry, delayed dissemination, or policymaker rejection of unwelcome conclusions.
These explanations are not mutually exclusive.
JAFAJ Assessment: Moderate Confidence
Dissemination
Intelligence possesses value only when it reaches decision-makers in time to influence policy.
Professional intelligence organizations therefore emphasize concise reporting, clear warning language, and rapid communication during crises.
Public information provides little insight into dissemination procedures within Iran’s national security structure.
However, Iran’s multiple intelligence organizations create the possibility that competing assessments may reach senior officials through separate channels.
Parallel reporting can strengthen analysis by presenting alternative viewpoints.
It can also complicate decision-making if competing organizations provide inconsistent assessments without effective coordination.
Whether such dynamics influence Iranian national security decisions remains uncertain.
JAFAJ Assessment: Low Confidence
Decision and Operational Response
The final stage of the intelligence cycle lies beyond the intelligence community itself.
Political leaders—not intelligence officers—determine national policy.
An intelligence service may accurately identify an emerging threat while political leadership elects not to act.
Conversely, policymakers may demand action despite incomplete or uncertain intelligence.
This distinction is frequently overlooked in public discussions of intelligence failure.
Without access to Iranian internal deliberations, analysts cannot determine whether recent operational setbacks resulted primarily from inadequate intelligence, flawed analysis, delayed dissemination, political decisions, or some combination of these factors.
Observable outcomes indicate that adversaries have repeatedly achieved operational success against sensitive Iranian targets.
Public evidence alone does not establish precisely why.
That distinction is essential to maintaining analytical integrity.
CHAPTER THREE
WHERE THE SYSTEM APPEARS TO BE BREAKING DOWN
Evaluating intelligence performance requires examining patterns rather than isolated events.
Individual intelligence failures occur within every nation.
Repeated failures affecting similar targets, however, may indicate institutional weaknesses requiring closer examination.
Based upon publicly available information, four areas warrant particular attention.
Counterintelligence
Counterintelligence is responsible for detecting hostile intelligence activity, protecting classified information, identifying insider threats, securing communications, and preventing foreign penetration of sensitive institutions.
Numerous publicly reported Israeli operations suggest that Iranian counterintelligence has faced sustained challenges over an extended period. These include reported penetrations of sensitive facilities, targeted operations against senior officials and scientists, and access to highly sensitive operational information.²
Although each operation has unique circumstances, their cumulative pattern raises legitimate questions regarding institutional resilience.
JAFAJ Assessment: Moderate-to-High Confidence
Operational Security
Operational security depends upon limiting access to sensitive information, controlling communications, compartmentalizing planning, and reducing opportunities for adversary surveillance.
Successful precision operations often require detailed knowledge of schedules, facilities, communications, and movement patterns.
Repeated operations of this nature suggest operational security procedures should be evaluated carefully.
This conclusion does not establish widespread institutional compromise.
It does suggest opportunities for adversaries to exploit vulnerabilities.
JAFAJ Assessment: Moderate Confidence
Strategic Warning
One of the principal responsibilities of every intelligence organization is providing strategic warning before crises develop.
Strategic warning does not require predicting every event.
It requires identifying increasing probability, recognizing changing adversary behavior, and communicating elevated risk to policymakers.
Public reporting concerning several recent regional crises suggests warning indicators existed before major military operations.
Whether those indicators were fully recognized, accurately interpreted, or acted upon by Iranian leadership cannot presently be determined from open sources.
JAFAJ Assessment: Low-to-Moderate Confidence
Institutional Coordination
Iran’s intelligence system benefits from multiple specialized organizations.
That same diversity creates coordination challenges.
Competing institutional cultures, overlapping responsibilities, and parallel reporting channels may complicate integrated national assessments.
Comparable challenges have affected intelligence communities throughout the world, including democratic and authoritarian governments alike.
The existence of multiple agencies should therefore be viewed as a potential organizational risk rather than evidence of institutional dysfunction.
JAFAJ Assessment: Moderate Confidence
CHAPTER FOUR
PATTERN OF OPERATIONAL OUTCOMES
Rather than evaluating individual incidents in isolation, intelligence professionals frequently examine long-term operational patterns.
Several observable trends emerge from publicly available reporting over the past decade.
First, Iranian intelligence organizations have continued demonstrating meaningful regional collection capabilities through cyber operations, proxy relationships, and diplomatic reporting.
Second, foreign intelligence services—particularly Israel—have repeatedly demonstrated the ability to conduct sophisticated operations affecting Iranian strategic interests.
Third, Iranian security institutions have responded by increasing internal security measures, restructuring elements of their national security apparatus, and emphasizing counterintelligence improvements.
These developments do not establish that Iran’s intelligence community is ineffective.
They do suggest that Iranian intelligence organizations operate in an increasingly competitive environment where capable adversaries have achieved notable operational successes.
For policymakers, the central analytical question is therefore not whether Iranian intelligence can collect information.
The more important question is whether institutional reforms can strengthen the integration of collection, analysis, counterintelligence, and strategic decision-making sufficiently to reduce future operational vulnerabilities.
JAFAJ ANALYTICAL ASSESSMENT – CHAPTERS TWO THROUGH FOUR
Key Findings

Public evidence suggests Iran retains capable intelligence collection organizations.
Observable operational outcomes point to greater challenges in counterintelligence, operational security, and strategic warning than in collection itself.
Public information is insufficient to assign responsibility for individual operational failures to any single stage of the intelligence cycle.
The distinction between intelligence performance and political decision-making remains critical when evaluating national security outcomes.

Confidence Level
Moderate Confidence
Strategic Implications
Future intelligence competition involving Iran is likely to focus less on expanding collection capabilities and more on strengthening institutional resilience against sophisticated foreign intelligence operations.
RUNNING CHICAGO-STYLE FOOTNOTES (CONTINUED)

Office of the Director of National Intelligence, Annual Threat Assessment of the U.S. Intelligence Community, various editions; Congressional Research Service, Iran: Internal Politics and U.S. Policy and Sanctions.
International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), reports on Iran’s nuclear program; analyses by the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), the Atlantic Council, and other research institutions concerning Israeli-Iranian intelligence competition; publicly reported accounts of operations targeting Iranian nuclear infrastructure and senior officials.

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CHAPTER FIVE
IRAN’S INTELLIGENCE ON THE UNITED STATES
A LONG-TERM STRATEGIC COLLECTION EFFORT
Since the 1979 Islamic Revolution, the United States has remained Iran’s highest-priority global intelligence target. Successive Iranian governments have viewed American military power, economic influence, diplomatic alliances, and sanctions policy as the principal external factors shaping Iran’s national security environment. As a result, Iranian intelligence organizations have devoted substantial resources to understanding U.S. capabilities, intentions, and decision-making.
Unlike the Cold War competition between the United States and the Soviet Union, the intelligence contest between Washington and Tehran has generally been asymmetrical. The United States possesses significantly greater intelligence resources, technical collection systems, satellite constellations, and global surveillance capabilities. Iran has therefore attempted to compensate through regional human intelligence networks, cyber espionage, open-source intelligence, proxy organizations, diplomatic reporting, and influence operations.
This asymmetrical approach reflects necessity rather than preference.
Unable to match American technical collection capabilities directly, Iran has emphasized collection methods that are comparatively inexpensive, adaptable, and difficult to attribute. Over the past twenty years, cyber operations have become one of Tehran’s most important intelligence tools, allowing Iranian intelligence services to obtain political, military, scientific, and commercial information without relying exclusively upon traditional espionage.
COLLECTION PRIORITIES
Open-source reporting consistently indicates that Iranian intelligence organizations devote significant attention to several categories of U.S. intelligence.
The first priority involves American military capabilities and force posture throughout the Middle East.
Iran closely monitors U.S. naval operations in the Persian Gulf, aircraft carrier deployments, bomber rotations, regional air bases, missile defense systems, logistics hubs, and military exercises. Because Iran’s defense doctrine relies heavily upon deterrence through missiles, drones, maritime disruption, and proxy organizations, understanding American military readiness is essential to Iranian planning.⁷
A second priority concerns U.S. political decision-making.
Iranian analysts monitor presidential statements, congressional hearings, defense authorization legislation, sanctions policy, election outcomes, cabinet appointments, and public debate regarding the Middle East. Unlike authoritarian systems where strategic decisions may remain highly centralized, the American political process generates extensive publicly available information. Congressional testimony, budget documents, committee hearings, think-tank publications, court filings, and investigative journalism collectively provide foreign intelligence services with significant insight into policy development.
Consequently, Iranian intelligence collection against the United States increasingly emphasizes exploitation of publicly available information rather than reliance solely upon clandestine espionage.
A third intelligence priority involves sanctions enforcement.
Economic sanctions remain one of the most consequential instruments of American policy toward Iran. Intelligence organizations therefore monitor financial regulations, shipping enforcement, export controls, energy markets, international banking restrictions, and multinational compliance efforts. These assessments assist Iranian policymakers in identifying vulnerabilities within sanctions regimes and developing methods to reduce their economic impact.
CYBER COLLECTION
Perhaps no area better illustrates Iran’s intelligence evolution than cyber operations.
Over the past two decades, U.S. government agencies have attributed numerous cyber espionage campaigns to Iranian state-sponsored or state-aligned actors. Public advisories issued jointly by the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA), the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), and the National Security Agency (NSA) describe persistent Iranian efforts targeting government agencies, defense contractors, research institutions, universities, healthcare organizations, and private industry.⁸
These campaigns have generally emphasized intelligence collection rather than large-scale destructive attacks.
Objectives have reportedly included credential theft, network reconnaissance, collection of proprietary research, monitoring of dissident organizations, and long-term access to strategic information systems.
Iran’s cyber organizations have demonstrated adaptability by combining technical intrusion techniques with social engineering, phishing operations, and exploitation of publicly available information.
Although Iran’s cyber capabilities generally remain below those attributed to Russia, China, and the United States, they nevertheless represent one of the country’s most effective intelligence instruments.
HUMAN INTELLIGENCE
Human intelligence remains considerably more difficult.
Recruiting individuals with legitimate access to sensitive U.S. national security information presents significant operational challenges. American counterintelligence organizations devote extensive resources to detecting foreign recruitment efforts, monitoring espionage activity, and protecting classified information.
Publicly reported criminal prosecutions illustrate continuing Iranian efforts to collect information through human sources, influence operations, and surveillance directed at dissidents, journalists, former government officials, and individuals perceived as hostile to the Islamic Republic. Federal authorities have disrupted multiple alleged Iranian operations over the past decade, demonstrating both Tehran’s continued interest in human intelligence and the effectiveness of American counterintelligence in identifying certain activities.⁹
Open-source evidence does not support the conclusion that Iran has achieved sustained penetration of the highest levels of the United States national security establishment comparable to historic Soviet or contemporary Chinese espionage operations.
This distinction is important.
Iran demonstrates persistence in human intelligence operations without necessarily demonstrating equivalent strategic success.
ANALYTICAL UNDERSTANDING OF THE UNITED STATES
Collecting information differs fundamentally from understanding it.
One of the most challenging tasks facing any foreign intelligence organization is interpreting American political decision-making.
The United States operates through a constitutional system involving multiple branches of government, competing political parties, independent courts, state governments, and an active media environment. Policies frequently emerge from negotiation and compromise rather than centralized planning.
For foreign analysts accustomed to more hierarchical political systems, predicting American decisions may prove considerably more difficult than identifying American capabilities.
Several regional crises suggest Iranian policymakers have occasionally underestimated Washington’s willingness to employ military force under specific circumstances while overestimating the restraining influence of domestic political debate.
Whether these represent intelligence failures, analytical misjudgments, or political decisions remains impossible to determine from public information.
The distinction nevertheless illustrates one of intelligence analysis’s central challenges:
Knowing what an adversary can do does not necessarily reveal what an adversary will do.
JAFAJ ANALYTICAL ASSESSMENT – CHAPTER FIVE
Key Findings

Iran maintains an extensive long-term intelligence collection effort directed toward the United States.
Cyber operations, open-source intelligence, regional reporting, and sanctions monitoring represent major institutional strengths.
Public evidence demonstrates persistent intelligence collection efforts but provides limited evidence of major strategic penetration of the U.S. national security establishment.
Understanding American political decision-making appears substantially more difficult than monitoring American military capabilities.

Confidence Level
Moderate-to-High Confidence
Strategic Implications
Iran is likely to continue emphasizing cyber espionage, open-source exploitation, sanctions intelligence, and regional military monitoring while seeking opportunities to expand human intelligence capabilities against U.S. interests.
CHAPTER SIX
IRAN’S INTELLIGENCE ON ISRAEL
THE PRIMARY STRATEGIC ADVERSARY
No foreign intelligence target receives greater sustained attention from the Islamic Republic than the State of Israel.
For more than four decades, Tehran has regarded Israel not merely as a regional competitor but as a principal strategic adversary. Consequently, Iranian intelligence organizations devote substantial resources toward understanding Israeli military capabilities, intelligence organizations, political leadership, technological development, missile defense systems, cyber capabilities, and strategic planning.
The intelligence contest between Iran and Israel differs fundamentally from Iran’s competition with the United States.
Whereas geography limits direct operational interaction with Washington, Iran and Israel engage in an ongoing regional intelligence competition characterized by proxy conflict, cyber operations, covert action, strategic influence campaigns, and persistent surveillance.
This competition has become one of the most sophisticated intelligence rivalries in the modern Middle East.
INTELLIGENCE COLLECTION PRIORITIES
Iranian collection priorities concerning Israel appear relatively consistent.
Primary objectives include monitoring the Israel Defense Forces (IDF), the Israeli Air Force, missile defense systems, intelligence organizations, nuclear policy, cyber capabilities, energy infrastructure, and political decision-making.
Collection efforts also extend to Israeli regional diplomacy, normalization agreements, military cooperation with neighboring states, and technological innovation relevant to future military capabilities.
Iran benefits from several advantages in regional intelligence collection.
Relationships with Hezbollah, Palestinian armed organizations, Iraqi militias, and other regional partners provide access to localized reporting that supplements traditional intelligence collection. These relationships enable Tehran to receive battlefield observations, political reporting, and operational assessments from multiple theaters simultaneously.
Proxy reporting, however, possesses inherent limitations.
Information obtained through allied organizations may reflect local perspectives, organizational interests, or incomplete situational awareness. Professional intelligence analysis therefore requires independent verification whenever possible.
THE INTELLIGENCE COMPETITION
Evaluating intelligence organizations requires examining both offensive and defensive performance.
Iran has achieved notable intelligence successes over the past several decades.
Its regional proxy architecture has demonstrated resilience. Iranian intelligence has successfully supported long-term relationships across multiple countries, monitored Israeli regional activities, and developed extensive understanding of Israel’s military doctrine.
Nevertheless, publicly observable operational outcomes increasingly suggest that Israel currently holds the strategic advantage in the bilateral intelligence competition.
Numerous publicly reported operations—including the removal of Iran’s nuclear archive in 2018, repeated sabotage of nuclear facilities, targeted killings of senior nuclear scientists, precision strikes against military leadership, and reported intelligence penetration of sensitive institutions—demonstrate exceptionally detailed knowledge of Iranian security procedures and strategic infrastructure.¹⁰
Such operations generally require years of preparation.
They depend upon careful intelligence collection, operational security, technical surveillance, logistical planning, and often some degree of human access to sensitive information.
Individual operations do not necessarily establish systemic institutional weakness.
Repeated operations over an extended period, however, warrant closer analytical attention.
COUNTERINTELLIGENCE AS A CENTRAL CHALLENGE
Counterintelligence represents the defensive dimension of intelligence work.
Its mission is straightforward but exceptionally demanding: identify hostile intelligence services, protect classified information, detect insider threats, prevent recruitment, secure communications, and deny adversaries access to sensitive institutions.
Available public evidence suggests this may be the area presenting Iran’s greatest institutional challenge.
Repeated successful foreign intelligence operations indicate that Israeli intelligence has, at various times, acquired detailed information concerning Iranian facilities, leadership movements, scientific programs, and security procedures.
The existence of such information does not necessarily imply widespread institutional penetration.
It may result from a combination of technical surveillance, cyber collection, human intelligence, operational security weaknesses, or independent intelligence sources.
Professional analysis therefore favors caution.
Rather than concluding that Iranian institutions have been comprehensively penetrated, the available evidence supports the narrower conclusion that foreign intelligence services have repeatedly demonstrated the ability to obtain highly valuable operational intelligence concerning sensitive Iranian activities.
That conclusion is both analytically defensible and supported by observable outcomes.
WHO HOLDS THE ADVANTAGE?
The intelligence competition between Iran and Israel remains dynamic.
Iran continues demonstrating capable intelligence collection through regional networks, cyber activities, and long-term strategic analysis.
Israel continues demonstrating exceptional effectiveness in covert action, strategic intelligence, counterproliferation operations, and operational execution.
Both intelligence communities remain highly capable.
The principal distinction emerging from publicly available evidence concerns operational outcomes.
Recent years have produced more observable Israeli intelligence successes affecting Iranian strategic interests than corresponding publicly confirmed Iranian successes affecting Israeli strategic infrastructure.
Whether this trend continues will depend upon future organizational adaptation, technological innovation, and counterintelligence reform within both countries.
JAFAJ ANALYTICAL ASSESSMENT – CHAPTER SIX
Key Findings

Israel remains Iran’s highest-priority foreign intelligence target.
Iran possesses substantial regional intelligence collection capabilities directed toward Israeli military and political activities.
Public evidence indicates Israel has achieved notable operational success against sensitive Iranian targets.
Counterintelligence and operational security appear to represent continuing challenges for Iran.
The intelligence competition remains active and continues to evolve.

Confidence Level
Moderate-to-High Confidence
Strategic Implications
The Israeli-Iranian intelligence contest will likely remain one of the defining strategic competitions in the Middle East. Future developments in cyber operations, artificial intelligence, autonomous systems, and technical surveillance are likely to influence this balance as much as traditional espionage.
RUNNING CHICAGO-STYLE FOOTNOTES (CONTINUED)

U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency, Iran Military Power; Office of the Director of National Intelligence, Annual Threat Assessment of the U.S. Intelligence Community.
Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA), Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), and National Security Agency (NSA), joint cybersecurity advisories concerning Iranian state-sponsored cyber actors, various editions.
Federal Bureau of Investigation, public counterintelligence press releases concerning Iranian intelligence activities in the United States; U.S. Department of Justice, criminal indictments and related public filings involving alleged Iranian intelligence operations.
International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), reports on Iran’s nuclear program; David E. Sanger and Ronen Bergman, reporting on Israeli intelligence operations; Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), analyses of Israeli-Iranian strategic competition; Atlantic Council, assessments of Israeli intelligence and special operations; and other publicly available reporting regarding the 2018 seizure of Iran’s nuclear archive and subsequent covert actions.

 
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CHAPTER SEVEN
IRAN’S INTELLIGENCE ON THE ARAB STATES
THE REGIONAL PRIORITY
While the United States and Israel occupy the highest levels of Iran’s strategic intelligence priorities, the Arab states collectively represent Tehran’s most immediate operational intelligence challenge. Geography, economics, sectarian politics, military competition, and regional diplomacy require Iranian intelligence organizations to maintain continuous awareness of developments throughout the Arabian Peninsula and the broader Middle East.
Iran’s intelligence priorities vary considerably among Arab states. Countries sharing maritime borders with Iran or hosting significant American military forces receive particularly close scrutiny. Likewise, states participating in regional security coalitions, normalization agreements with Israel, or multinational sanctions enforcement remain high-priority intelligence targets.
Unlike the Cold War model of intelligence collection directed primarily at military forces, Iran’s regional intelligence strategy integrates political, military, economic, religious, and social reporting into a comprehensive assessment of regional stability.
THE GULF STATES
The members of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC)—particularly Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Qatar, Kuwait, and Oman—receive sustained Iranian intelligence attention.
Collection priorities include:

Military modernization programs.
Air and missile defense capabilities.
Naval deployments in the Persian Gulf.
Defense cooperation with the United States and European allies.
Energy production and export infrastructure.
Internal political stability.
Economic diversification initiatives.
Intelligence cooperation with Israel.

Iran also closely monitors foreign military basing agreements throughout the Gulf. American, British, and French military installations provide strategic reach into the region and therefore constitute significant intelligence targets.
Open-source information, commercial satellite imagery, maritime tracking systems, and publicly available procurement records substantially supplement traditional intelligence collection.
SAUDI ARABIA
Saudi Arabia occupies a unique position within Iranian intelligence planning.
As the region’s largest Arab economy, custodian of Islam’s two holiest sites, and one of Iran’s principal geopolitical competitors, Saudi Arabia represents both a strategic rival and an indispensable regional actor.
Iranian intelligence collection reportedly focuses upon several areas:

Saudi defense modernization.
Air force readiness.
Missile defense systems.
Energy infrastructure.
Internal succession dynamics.
Counterterrorism cooperation.
Relations with Washington.
Expanding regional diplomacy.

The restoration of diplomatic relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia in 2023 reduced tensions but did not eliminate intelligence competition.
Professional intelligence organizations routinely continue collecting against states with which diplomatic relations exist.
Diplomacy rarely replaces intelligence collection.
Rather, successful diplomacy often increases the demand for accurate intelligence.
THE UNITED ARAB EMIRATES
The United Arab Emirates presents a different intelligence challenge.
As a regional financial center, transportation hub, and increasingly sophisticated technological economy, the UAE occupies an important position within sanctions enforcement, international finance, logistics, and advanced technology.
Iranian intelligence therefore possesses strong incentives to understand Emirati banking regulations, export controls, maritime activity, and relationships with Western governments.
The UAE’s expanding defense cooperation with both the United States and Israel further elevates its intelligence importance.
IRAQ, SYRIA, AND LEBANON
Iran possesses substantially greater intelligence access within Iraq, Syria, and Lebanon than elsewhere in the Arab world.
Decades of political relationships, military cooperation, intelligence partnerships, and proxy organizations provide Tehran with significant regional situational awareness.
These relationships have produced one of Iran’s principal strategic advantages.
Information acquired through allied organizations frequently supplements official intelligence reporting, providing Iranian decision-makers with detailed operational awareness unavailable through technical collection alone.
Nevertheless, proxy reporting introduces analytical challenges.
Organizations naturally interpret events through their own operational priorities.
Consequently, independent verification remains essential before incorporating such reporting into national strategic assessments.
THE LIMITS OF REGIONAL COLLECTION
Despite extensive regional networks, Iran faces significant constraints.
Arab governments continue strengthening domestic security services, expanding cyber defenses, increasing intelligence cooperation with Western partners, and improving counterintelligence capabilities.
Regional normalization efforts, changing alliances, and technological advances further complicate intelligence collection.
Consequently, Tehran must continually adapt its regional intelligence architecture to an increasingly dynamic security environment.
JAFAJ ANALYTICAL ASSESSMENT – CHAPTER SEVEN
Key Findings

The Arab states collectively represent Iran’s most immediate regional intelligence priority.
Gulf military capabilities, energy infrastructure, and foreign military presence remain primary intelligence targets.
Iraq, Syria, and Lebanon continue providing Iran with significant regional intelligence access.
Improved regional counterintelligence is increasing the difficulty of intelligence collection.

Confidence Level
High Confidence
Strategic Implications
Iran’s regional intelligence posture will remain essential to its national security strategy regardless of broader diplomatic developments.
CHAPTER EIGHT
IRAN’S INTELLIGENCE ON EUROPE
A DIFFERENT INTELLIGENCE ENVIRONMENT
Europe presents a fundamentally different intelligence environment than either the Middle East or the United States.
Rather than preparing primarily for military confrontation, Iranian intelligence organizations concentrate on diplomacy, sanctions policy, export controls, financial regulation, technology acquisition, and political developments affecting European Union policy.
European governments collectively play an important role in negotiations concerning Iran’s nuclear program, economic sanctions, aviation, banking, shipping, and advanced technology.
Consequently, Tehran devotes considerable analytical resources toward understanding European political dynamics.
COLLECTION OBJECTIVES
Iranian intelligence priorities throughout Europe generally include:

European Union sanctions policy.
Export-control enforcement.
Nuclear negotiations.
Financial regulation.
Scientific research.
Technology acquisition.
Iranian diaspora communities.
Political developments affecting Middle East policy.

Because Europe possesses relatively open political systems, extensive public records, and active media organizations, open-source intelligence provides substantial strategic value.
Many policy debates occur publicly long before formal governmental decisions are reached.
COUNTERINTELLIGENCE CHALLENGES
European intelligence and law enforcement agencies have publicly reported investigations involving alleged Iranian intelligence activities over many years.
These investigations illustrate both continuing Iranian collection efforts and increasingly coordinated European counterintelligence responses.
European intelligence cooperation through NATO partners and bilateral arrangements has strengthened information sharing regarding foreign intelligence threats.
Consequently, Iranian intelligence operations within Europe face a progressively more challenging operating environment than existed several decades ago.
JAFAJ ANALYTICAL ASSESSMENT – CHAPTER EIGHT
Key Findings

Europe represents an important political and economic intelligence target.
Intelligence priorities emphasize diplomacy, sanctions, finance, and technology.
European counterintelligence cooperation has increased operational risk for foreign intelligence services.
Open-source intelligence remains particularly valuable within democratic political systems.

Confidence Level
Moderate-to-High Confidence
CHAPTER NINE
IRAN’S INTELLIGENCE ON RUSSIA
Relations between Iran and Russia illustrate one of intelligence’s enduring realities:
Friendly governments continue collecting intelligence against one another.
Shared interests reduce uncertainty but never eliminate national intelligence requirements.
Iran therefore continues evaluating Russian military technology, defense cooperation, regional diplomacy, sanctions policy, energy markets, and broader strategic objectives.
Russian intelligence organizations undoubtedly conduct similar assessments regarding Iran.
The relationship is characterized less by trust than by pragmatic strategic cooperation.
Iran’s principal intelligence objective is understanding the degree to which Russian policies align—or diverge—from Iranian regional interests.
Military cooperation, defense technology transfers, aviation, energy, and regional security all require continuous intelligence assessment.
JAFAJ ANALYTICAL ASSESSMENT – CHAPTER NINE
Key Findings

Intelligence collection continues despite expanding bilateral cooperation.
Strategic uncertainty requires continuous assessment.
Defense cooperation increases the importance of political intelligence.

Confidence Level
Moderate Confidence
CHAPTER TEN
IRAN’S INTELLIGENCE ON CHINA
China has become one of Iran’s most significant long-term strategic relationships.
The 25-year cooperation framework, expanding trade, infrastructure investment, energy cooperation, and diplomatic coordination have increased China’s importance within Iranian strategic planning.
Accordingly, Iranian intelligence organizations devote increasing attention toward Chinese foreign policy, technology development, financial institutions, maritime strategy, and economic priorities.
Unlike intelligence collection directed toward adversaries, Iranian intelligence concerning China emphasizes strategic forecasting, economic analysis, and technology assessment rather than military contingency planning.
Nevertheless, intelligence collection remains necessary.
States cooperate because interests overlap—not because national interests become identical.
Future changes in Chinese economic policy, relations with Western governments, or Middle Eastern strategy could substantially affect Iranian national interests.
Consequently, Tehran requires continuous intelligence concerning Beijing’s evolving strategic priorities.
LOOKING EAST
Iran’s broader strategic orientation toward Asia has increased the importance of economic intelligence.
Monitoring supply chains, semiconductor policy, artificial intelligence, telecommunications, shipping routes, rare earth minerals, and advanced manufacturing now occupies a larger role within Iranian intelligence planning than during previous decades.
This reflects a broader international trend.
Economic intelligence increasingly rivals traditional military intelligence in strategic importance.
JAFAJ ANALYTICAL ASSESSMENT – CHAPTER TEN
Key Findings

China represents Iran’s most important long-term economic intelligence partner.
Collection priorities emphasize economic forecasting, technology, trade, and strategic policy.
Military intelligence plays a smaller role than political and economic analysis.
Intelligence cooperation does not eliminate national intelligence requirements.

Confidence Level
Moderate Confidence
RUNNING CHICAGO-STYLE FOOTNOTES (CONTINUED)

U.S. Congressional Research Service, Iran and the Arab Gulf States; International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS), The Military Balance.
Gulf Cooperation Council public communiqués; Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), military expenditure databases and regional security analyses.
European Union External Action Service, public sanctions documentation and policy statements concerning Iran; Europol, European Union Serious and Organised Crime Threat Assessment (relevant counterintelligence context).
Congressional Research Service, Russia-Iran Relations; International Crisis Group, analyses of Russian-Iranian strategic cooperation.
Congressional Research Service, China-Iran Relations; analyses published by the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), Atlantic Council, and other research institutions concerning Chinese-Iranian economic and strategic cooperation.

END OF BATCH 4 — CONTINUES IN BATCH 5
 
 
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ns, and clandestine operations. Less visible—but equally important—is counterintelligence, the discipline responsible for protecting a nation’s secrets while identifying and neutralizing foreign intelligence activities.
In many respects, counterintelligence represents the ultimate measure of an intelligence organization’s institutional maturity.
Successful espionage demonstrates the ability to acquire information.
Successful counterintelligence demonstrates the ability to deny that same opportunity to adversaries.
For the Islamic Republic of Iran, this distinction has become increasingly important.
During the past two decades, numerous publicly reported operations have demonstrated the ability of foreign intelligence services—particularly Israel, but also other state actors—to obtain sensitive information concerning Iranian military programs, nuclear facilities, scientific research, leadership movements, procurement networks, and strategic planning.¹⁶
No intelligence service prevents every penetration.
The question for analysts is not whether foreign intelligence occasionally succeeds, but whether repeated operational outcomes reveal broader institutional patterns.
UNDERSTANDING COUNTERINTELLIGENCE
Counterintelligence encompasses considerably more than identifying spies.
Modern counterintelligence seeks to:

Detect foreign intelligence officers.
Prevent recruitment of government officials.
Protect classified information.
Secure communications.
Identify cyber intrusions.
Monitor insider threats.
Protect research institutions.
Secure military procurement.
Prevent technological compromise.
Conduct deception operations against hostile intelligence services.

Consequently, counterintelligence extends across nearly every government institution.
Weaknesses in any single component may create opportunities for adversaries.
THE EVOLUTION OF THE THREAT
Traditional espionage relied heavily upon clandestine meetings, dead drops, photographic surveillance, and recruited human sources.
Contemporary intelligence competition is considerably more complex.
Foreign intelligence services now combine:

Human intelligence.
Cyber intrusion.
Artificial intelligence-assisted analysis.
Commercial satellite imagery.
Social media exploitation.
Financial intelligence.
Telecommunications metadata.
Commercial data brokers.
Supply-chain analysis.
Open-source intelligence.

The integration of these disciplines enables intelligence organizations to construct highly detailed operational pictures without relying exclusively upon traditional espionage.
Consequently, protecting national secrets has become substantially more difficult.
PUBLICLY OBSERVABLE TRENDS
Public reporting during the past decade reveals several recurring themes regarding Iran’s counterintelligence environment.
First, sensitive military and scientific programs have repeatedly become the focus of sophisticated foreign intelligence operations.
Second, adversaries have demonstrated detailed knowledge regarding Iranian organizational structure, facility locations, procurement networks, and leadership activities.
Third, Iranian authorities have repeatedly announced arrests of individuals accused of espionage or collaboration with foreign intelligence services.
These announcements illustrate an important analytical point.
Frequent espionage arrests may indicate effective counterintelligence.
They may also indicate extensive foreign intelligence activity.
Without access to underlying evidence, public reporting rarely permits definitive conclusions.
Professional intelligence analysis therefore emphasizes observable operational outcomes rather than official claims alone.
STRUCTURAL CHALLENGES
Several structural characteristics may complicate Iranian counterintelligence.
The existence of multiple intelligence organizations creates opportunities for specialization while simultaneously increasing coordination requirements.
Expanding cyber dependence enlarges the number of potential attack surfaces available to foreign intelligence services.
Scientific modernization, international trade, higher education, foreign travel, and global communications likewise increase opportunities for intelligence collection.
These developments are not unique to Iran.
Every technologically advanced society confronts similar counterintelligence challenges.
The principal question is whether institutions adapt rapidly enough to changing threats.
THE COST OF COUNTERINTELLIGENCE FAILURE
Counterintelligence failures produce consequences extending far beyond the immediate operational loss.
Compromised programs require redesign.
Scientific research may be delayed.
Military planning must be revised.
Trust within organizations declines.
Resources are redirected from strategic initiatives toward internal investigations.
Perhaps most importantly, adversaries gain confidence.
Repeated operational success encourages increasingly ambitious intelligence activities.
Consequently, counterintelligence failures frequently produce cumulative strategic effects rather than isolated tactical losses.
JAFAJ ANALYTICAL ASSESSMENT – CHAPTER ELEVEN
Key Findings

Counterintelligence is central to evaluating institutional resilience.
Publicly observable operational outcomes suggest this remains one of Iran’s most significant security challenges.
Technological change has substantially increased counterintelligence complexity.
Institutional adaptation will likely determine future operational resilience.

Confidence Level
Moderate-to-High Confidence
Strategic Implications
Future intelligence competition involving Iran will depend as much upon defensive institutional resilience as offensive intelligence collection.
CHAPTER TWELVE
CYBER INTELLIGENCE: THE NEW FRONTIER
THE DIGITAL BATTLEFIELD
Few developments have transformed intelligence work more profoundly than cyberspace.
Information that once required years of human intelligence collection may now be obtained through network intrusion, malicious software, credential theft, or exploitation of vulnerable digital infrastructure.
Iran recognized this transformation relatively early.
Following major cyber incidents affecting Iranian infrastructure—including the discovery of the Stuxnet malware targeting Iranian nuclear facilities—Tehran significantly expanded investments in cyber security, cyber intelligence, and cyber operations.¹⁷
Cyber capability now represents an integral component of Iranian national security strategy.
OFFENSIVE CYBER OPERATIONS
Public reporting attributes numerous cyber espionage campaigns to Iranian state-sponsored or state-aligned organizations.
Although attribution within cyberspace remains inherently difficult, U.S. government agencies and cybersecurity firms have repeatedly described Iranian cyber actors targeting:

Government agencies.
Defense contractors.
Universities.
Healthcare systems.
Critical infrastructure.
Energy companies.
Telecommunications.
Financial institutions.

Most publicly documented campaigns emphasize intelligence collection rather than physical destruction.
Strategic information often possesses greater long-term value than immediate disruption.
DEFENSIVE CYBER CAPABILITIES
Cyber defense presents an equally significant challenge.
Protecting national infrastructure requires securing government networks, military systems, industrial control systems, research institutions, and private-sector partners simultaneously.
The rapid expansion of artificial intelligence, cloud computing, autonomous systems, and Internet-connected devices continues increasing the complexity of national cyber defense.
No nation has achieved complete cybersecurity.
Consequently, cyber defense remains an ongoing process rather than a permanent achievement.
THE ROLE OF ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE
Artificial intelligence is transforming intelligence analysis.
Large datasets previously requiring months of human review may now be processed within minutes.
Pattern recognition, anomaly detection, language translation, image analysis, financial tracking, and social media monitoring increasingly rely upon AI-assisted analytical tools.
Iran has demonstrated growing interest in integrating artificial intelligence into both civilian and national security applications.
Whether Iranian intelligence organizations successfully integrate AI into future intelligence operations may significantly influence their long-term effectiveness.
THE FUTURE CYBER ENVIRONMENT
The future intelligence contest will likely depend less upon traditional espionage alone and increasingly upon integration across multiple disciplines.
Cyber intelligence, satellite imagery, commercial databases, artificial intelligence, quantum computing, and autonomous systems are rapidly reshaping intelligence work.
Success will depend not merely upon acquiring technology but upon integrating technology into coherent intelligence processes.
JAFAJ ANALYTICAL ASSESSMENT – CHAPTER TWELVE
Key Findings

Cyber intelligence has become one of Iran’s principal intelligence strengths.
Cyber espionage complements traditional intelligence collection.
Defensive cybersecurity remains an evolving challenge.
Artificial intelligence will increasingly shape intelligence competition.

Confidence Level
High Confidence
CHAPTER THIRTEEN
ORGANIZATIONAL AND POLITICAL CHALLENGES
WHEN INTELLIGENCE IS NOT THE PROBLEM
Perhaps the most misunderstood aspect of intelligence work is the assumption that intelligence organizations control national decisions.
They do not.
Their responsibility is to inform policymakers—not replace them.
Consequently, evaluating national security outcomes requires distinguishing between intelligence performance and political decision-making.
An intelligence service may accurately identify an emerging threat.
Political leadership may nevertheless reject, delay, reinterpret, or ignore that assessment.
History provides numerous examples.
The United States before Pearl Harbor.
Israel before the October 1973 Arab-Israeli War.
Several governments before Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine.
In each instance, intelligence collection, analytical judgment, and political decision-making interacted in different ways.
INSTITUTIONAL CULTURE
Every intelligence organization develops institutional assumptions.
These assumptions assist analysts by simplifying complex environments.
They may also create blind spots.
Confirmation bias, organizational inertia, bureaucratic rivalry, excessive compartmentalization, and political pressure represent recurring challenges across intelligence communities worldwide.
Iran is unlikely to be immune.
Whether such dynamics have influenced recent operational outcomes cannot be conclusively determined through public evidence alone.
Nevertheless, these factors merit consideration when evaluating institutional performance.
THE CHALLENGE OF ADAPTATION
The intelligence profession rewards adaptation.
Adversaries continuously modify collection techniques, cyber capabilities, recruitment strategies, communications technologies, and deception methods.
Organizations unable to adapt eventually become predictable.
Those capable of continuous innovation generally retain operational advantage.
Recent organizational reforms reportedly undertaken within elements of Iran’s national security establishment suggest recognition that adaptation remains necessary.
The effectiveness of those reforms will become evident only over time.
LESSONS FOR POLICYMAKERS
This assessment identifies several broader lessons extending beyond Iran.
First, intelligence collection alone rarely determines strategic success.
Second, counterintelligence deserves equal attention.
Third, technological superiority cannot substitute for analytical rigor.
Fourth, institutional learning often determines long-term effectiveness more than individual operational victories.
These observations apply broadly across intelligence organizations regardless of national affiliation.
JAFAJ ANALYTICAL ASSESSMENT – CHAPTER THIRTEEN
Key Findings

Political decision-making should be distinguished from intelligence performance.
Institutional culture significantly influences analytical outcomes.
Adaptation remains essential to long-term intelligence effectiveness.
Organizational learning may ultimately prove more important than technological capability.

Confidence Level
Moderate Confidence
RUNNING CHICAGO-STYLE FOOTNOTES (CONTINUED)

International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), reports concerning Iran’s nuclear program; analyses by the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), the Atlantic Council, the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, and other research organizations examining Israeli-Iranian intelligence competition and counterintelligence challenges.
Kim Zetter, Countdown to Zero Day: Stuxnet and the Launch of the World’s First Digital Weapon (New York: Crown, 2014); Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA), National Security Agency (NSA), and Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), joint cybersecurity advisories concerning Iranian cyber activity; U.S. Cyber Command public statements where applicable.

=====================
CHAPTER FOURTEEN
INSTITUTIONAL RESILIENCE AND THE FUTURE OF IRAN’S INTELLIGENCE COMMUNITY
THE CHALLENGE OF ADAPTATION
Throughout modern history, intelligence organizations have been judged not by the absence of failure but by their ability to learn from it. Every major intelligence service has experienced significant setbacks, including strategic surprise, compromised operations, analytical errors, and counterintelligence failures. What distinguishes effective organizations is the speed and effectiveness with which they identify shortcomings, implement reforms, and adapt to changing threats.
From an open-source perspective, Iran appears to recognize that its intelligence environment has become more demanding. Public reporting indicates continued investment in cyber capabilities, internal security, intelligence coordination, and technological modernization.¹⁸ Such efforts are consistent with the broader international trend of governments seeking to improve resilience against increasingly sophisticated intelligence threats.
Whether these efforts will produce measurable improvements cannot yet be determined. Organizational reform is inherently difficult. Intelligence institutions often balance competing priorities, including operational effectiveness, information security, bureaucratic coordination, and political accountability. Reforms that strengthen one area may introduce new challenges elsewhere.
THE EVOLVING INTELLIGENCE ENVIRONMENT
The intelligence profession continues to change at a rapid pace.
Artificial intelligence, commercial satellite imagery, encrypted communications, cyber operations, publicly available data, and advanced analytics have transformed the way governments collect and interpret information. Capabilities once available only to major powers are increasingly accessible to smaller states and even non-state actors.
This transformation has reduced the distinction between traditional espionage and data analysis.
Modern intelligence organizations must integrate information from multiple disciplines, including:

Human intelligence (HUMINT)
Signals intelligence (SIGINT)
Geospatial intelligence (GEOINT)
Open-source intelligence (OSINT)
Cyber intelligence
Financial intelligence
Commercial data sources

Success increasingly depends upon integrating these disciplines into coherent assessments rather than relying on any single collection method.
INSTITUTIONAL LEARNING
Institutional learning is among the most difficult aspects of intelligence work.
Meaningful reform requires organizations to identify errors honestly, evaluate competing explanations, and modify procedures without overreacting to individual events. Excessive focus on a single failure can create new vulnerabilities elsewhere, while insufficient attention to recurring problems may allow institutional weaknesses to persist.
This dynamic is not unique to Iran. Comparable challenges have been documented in intelligence communities across democratic and authoritarian systems alike.
Accordingly, open-source analysis should avoid viewing intelligence performance through a binary framework of “success” or “failure.” Intelligence organizations typically demonstrate strengths in some disciplines while facing challenges in others. Institutional performance is therefore best understood as a continuum rather than an absolute condition.
THE VALUE OF OPEN-SOURCE ANALYSIS
Open-source intelligence has become an increasingly important tool for researchers, policymakers, journalists, and scholars.
Publicly available information allows independent analysts to identify trends, compare institutional development, and evaluate observable outcomes. However, open-source analysis also has inherent limitations.
Analysts outside government rarely have access to classified reporting, internal deliberations, operational planning, or intelligence priorities. As a result, conclusions should be framed with appropriate caution and accompanied by explicit confidence assessments.
The purpose of this report has therefore been to examine observable patterns rather than claim insight into classified decision-making.
JAFAJ ANALYTICAL ASSESSMENT – CHAPTER FOURTEEN
Key Findings

Intelligence organizations must continually adapt to technological and geopolitical change.
Organizational resilience depends upon continuous learning and institutional reform.
Open-source intelligence provides valuable insights but cannot fully reveal internal decision-making.
Analytical confidence should remain proportional to the available evidence.

Confidence Level
High Confidence
CHAPTER FIFTEEN
CONCLUSIONS
This assessment began with a central question:
Is Iran’s intelligence system failing its leaders?
Based solely on publicly available information, the evidence does not support a simple yes-or-no answer.
Instead, it points to a more nuanced conclusion.
Iran maintains an extensive intelligence community with demonstrated capabilities in regional collection, cyber operations, open-source intelligence, and strategic analysis. These capabilities have enabled Tehran to monitor regional developments, support foreign policy objectives, and maintain awareness of issues affecting its national security.
At the same time, publicly reported operational outcomes indicate that Iran has experienced significant security setbacks over an extended period. These events have prompted continued discussion among researchers regarding institutional resilience, counterintelligence, and organizational adaptation.
Because this report relies exclusively on open-source information, it cannot determine the internal causes of individual successes or failures. Nor can it reliably distinguish between shortcomings in intelligence collection, analytical assessment, organizational coordination, or political decision-making.
That limitation is important.
Responsible intelligence analysis requires acknowledging uncertainty where uncertainty exists.
The principal contribution of this report is therefore not a definitive judgment regarding Iran’s intelligence services, but a structured framework for evaluating intelligence performance through observable evidence, institutional analysis, and appropriate confidence assessments.
Future developments—including organizational reforms, technological modernization, and changes in the regional security environment—will provide additional opportunities to evaluate how Iran’s intelligence community continues to evolve.
FINAL JAFAJ ASSESSMENT
The available open-source evidence supports the following overall conclusions:

Iran possesses a capable and multifaceted intelligence community.
Intelligence performance should be evaluated across the entire intelligence cycle rather than through isolated events.
Public reporting indicates both notable institutional strengths and significant challenges.
Open-source evidence alone is insufficient to support categorical judgments regarding the overall effectiveness of Iran’s intelligence organizations.
Continued observation, rigorous sourcing, and careful distinction between fact and analytical judgment remain essential for future assessments.

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY
Office of the Director of National Intelligence. Annual Threat Assessment of the U.S. Intelligence Community. Various editions.
U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency. Iran Military Power. Various editions.
Congressional Research Service. Iran: Internal Politics and U.S. Policy and Sanctions. Various editions.
International Institute for Strategic Studies. The Military Balance. Annual editions.
International Atomic Energy Agency. Reports on Iran’s Nuclear Programme. Various editions.
Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency, Federal Bureau of Investigation, and National Security Agency. Joint Cybersecurity Advisories concerning Iranian State-Sponsored Cyber Activity. Various editions.
Kim Zetter. Countdown to Zero Day: Stuxnet and the Launch of the World’s First Digital Weapon. New York: Crown, 2014.
Center for Strategic and International Studies. Reports on Middle East security, cyber operations, and regional strategic competition.
Atlantic Council. Reports on Middle East security and intelligence affairs.
International Crisis Group. Reports on Iran and regional security dynamics.
RUNNING CHICAGO-STYLE FOOTNOTES (CONTINUED)

Congressional Research Service, Iran: Internal Politics and U.S. Policy and Sanctions; International Institute for Strategic Studies, The Military Balance, annual editions.

=====================
APPENDIX A
CONSOLIDATED FOOTNOTES

Office of the Director of National Intelligence (ODNI), Annual Threat Assessment of the U.S. Intelligence Community, various editions.
International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS), The Military Balance, annual editions; U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA), Iran Military Power, various editions.
Ministry of Intelligence of the Islamic Republic of Iran (MOIS), official organizational history and statutory authorities; see also scholarly studies of the post-1979 Iranian intelligence system.
Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC); U.S. Congressional Research Service (CRS), Iran: Internal Politics and U.S. Policy and Sanctions, various editions.
Office of the Director of National Intelligence (ODNI), Annual Threat Assessment of the U.S. Intelligence Community, various editions; Congressional Research Service (CRS), Iran: Internal Politics and U.S. Policy and Sanctions, various editions.
International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), reports concerning Iran’s nuclear program; Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), analyses of Israeli-Iranian strategic competition; Atlantic Council, reports concerning Israeli intelligence operations and regional security; additional publicly available reporting regarding operations targeting Iranian nuclear infrastructure and senior officials.
U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA), Iran Military Power; Office of the Director of National Intelligence (ODNI), Annual Threat Assessment of the U.S. Intelligence Community, various editions.
Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA); Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI); National Security Agency (NSA), joint cybersecurity advisories concerning Iranian state-sponsored cyber actors, various editions.
Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), public counterintelligence press releases concerning Iranian intelligence activities in the United States; U.S. Department of Justice, criminal indictments and related public filings involving alleged Iranian intelligence operations.
International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), reports on Iran’s nuclear program; David E. Sanger and Ronen Bergman, reporting on Israeli intelligence operations; Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), analyses of Israeli-Iranian strategic competition; Atlantic Council, assessments of Israeli intelligence and special operations; and publicly available reporting regarding the 2018 seizure of Iran’s nuclear archive and subsequent covert actions.
U.S. Congressional Research Service (CRS), Iran and the Arab Gulf States; International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS), The Military Balance, annual editions.
Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), official communiqués and public statements; Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), military expenditure databases and regional security analyses.
European Union External Action Service (EEAS), public sanctions documentation and policy statements concerning Iran; Europol, European Union Serious and Organised Crime Threat Assessment (SOCTA), relevant editions.
Congressional Research Service (CRS), reports concerning Russia-Iran relations; International Crisis Group, analyses of Russian-Iranian strategic cooperation.
Congressional Research Service (CRS), reports concerning China-Iran relations; Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), Atlantic Council, and additional research institutions examining Chinese-Iranian economic and strategic cooperation.
International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), reports concerning Iran’s nuclear program; Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS); Atlantic Council; Washington Institute for Near East Policy; and other research organizations examining Israeli-Iranian intelligence competition and counterintelligence developments.
Kim Zetter, Countdown to Zero Day: Stuxnet and the Launch of the World’s First Digital Weapon (New York: Crown Publishers, 2014); Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA), National Security Agency (NSA), and Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), joint cybersecurity advisories concerning Iranian cyber activity; U.S. Cyber Command public statem  ents, where applicable.
Congressional Research Service (CRS), Iran: Internal Politics and U.S. Policy and Sanctions, various editions; International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS), The Military Balance, annual editions.

 

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